take place in the context of failing states. They are fought by networks of state and
non-stateactors, where battles are rare and violence is directed mainly against
civilians, and which are characterized by a new type of political economy involving a combination of extremist politics and criminality.28
The label Mary Kaldor used to describe the conflict in Bosnia (1992–1995)
– which was at once civil, but shaped by internal and external forces, warlordism and criminality – was ‘new wars’.29 According to Kaldor, these types of
The restructuring of work and production in the international political economy
non-stateactor in an increasingly interdependent world.1 In this way, from the 1970s, the firm has come to represent
the primary vehicle of globalisation as it creates restructuring imperatives for
states and societies alike (Stopford and Strange, 1991; Porter, 1990; Ohmae,
1990; Sklair, 2001).
For many academics, policy-makers, business people, journalists and
indeed workers, there is a sense in which understanding globalisation has
become synonymous with understanding the actions of MNCs as they, in
turn, react to productive and technological transformations. For
scholars to focus more systematically on non-stateactors and
international institutions, particularly powerful industry groups.
Even though our three models differ in explanatory power and
main focus, the third observation is that all three models are
complementary in nature. Each has contributed something that
the others have not. Even the CA model has provided unique
insight into this case, in the sense of being particularly well suited
for understanding how different corporations within the same
branch interpret and perceive the outside world differently.2
Television and the politics of British humanitarianism
recent journal introduction for an overview of major themes in the
O’Sullivan , M. Hilton and J. Fiori , ‘ Humanitarianisms in
Context: Histories of Non-StateActors, from the Local to the
Global ’, European Review of
History , 23 : 1–2 ( 2016 ),
pp. 1 – 15
Ireland. SF has gone further and articulated the case for the
establishment of a ‘truth commission’ to uncover ‘information concealed
by the authorities’.30
Perhaps the biggest flaw in this argument is the lack of any consideration as to how armed non-stateactors might be invited to do the same.
In classic republican discourse the conflict was reduced to essentially one
between the British State and the IRA, with the role of internal republican internecine feuds, internal killings of suspected informers (including
up to fifteen people who were ‘disappeared’, tortured
reconcile communities in Northern Ireland. MLG emphasises the multi-level
nature of EU politics and attaches significance to the role played by subnational units and supranational institutions in the policy process. The model
also proposes new forms of governance which offers a specific conception of EU
politics based on an altered relationship between state and non-stateactors,
where the latter have become increasingly influential. MLG is often associated with undermining or bypassing the role and power of the central state –
a notion which is either politically
homecoming by refugees themselves and the state and non-stateactors on the ground. The early wave of Syrians escaping the violence (from 2011) were in general better equipped, better prepared and better off than later arrivals. The wealthier Syrians set up home in Yerevan – although even here, some left or returned to Syria as they could not financially sustain themselves. The poorer ones were left little choice but to settle in Nagorny Karabakh, where they were given free housing and land to farm. Given the unresolved conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorny
rational and careful responses to the irresponsibility of the continent’s
elites and the stress placed on SSA by global pressures.
Problematically, many previous studies ignore such dynamics.
Depending upon frameworks that are exclusively state-centric in both
their ontology and approach, such analyses fail to pay due attention
to the critical roles played by non-stateactors in the continent’s international relations, particularly the international financial institutions,
development and humanitarian NGOs and multinational/transnational
corporations. Private (and
]. Anderson, M. (2009) ‘NGOs and Fair Trade: the social movement behind the label’, in
N. Crowson, M. Hilton and J. McKay (eds), NGOs in Contemporary Britain: Non-stateActors in Society and Politics Since 1945 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan), 222–41.
BBC News (2002) ‘Trade lobby gets fair hearing’, BBC News , 19 June 2002, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/2053120.stm [accessed 24 October 2017].
Bebbington, A. J., Hickey, S. and Mitlin, D. C. (2008) ‘Introduction: can NGOs make a
are constructed and resisted by both state and non-stateactors’
(Callahan 2006 , 12).
Although today’s Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV), to
give it its full name, remains a one-party state, the terms
‘post-socialism’, ‘late socialism’ and
‘socialist market economy’ have variously been used to describe
its opening up to foreign trade, aid and investment since the late 1980s.
There has been little