Search results

Abstract only
Mary C. Murphy

(1992), the model drew on insights from the study of domestic/ comparative politics and international politics (Bache 2012: 629). MLG emphasises the multi-level nature of EU politics and attaches significance to the role played by subnational units and supranational institutions in the policy process. The governance component of the model offers a specific conception of EU politics based on an altered relationship between state and non-state actors, where the latter have become increasingly influential. MLG, however, has been subject to some criticism. Questions

in Northern Ireland and the European Union
Michael Loadenthal

, 208–209), conflict framing by non-state actors revolved around the “working class” v. “fascist state” (for the Italian RB), and the marginalized yet revolutionary subjects of the Third World and urban metropolis v. the imperialist nation-states (for the German RAF). These outmoded, traditionally Leftist positions have been reconfigured through the contributions of poststructuralism that understand discursive control, knowledge production, ascribed legitimacy, and coercion as various assemblages of a central power. When gay bashing, ecological destruction, economic

in The politics of attack
Michael Loadenthal

prime concern. Commentators reporting on insurrectionary attack have often likened its violence to the methods of more traditional non-state actors (e.g. nationalist separatists, such as PIRA, FARC, Hamas). The rhetorical function of these generalized accounts – those which portray the FAI as on par with al-Qaeda – muddy the waters between paramilitary, militia, insurgents, guerrillas, and those best portrayed as a militant tactical tendency within a largely law-abiding social protest movement. One historian, in describing the Islamic State (i.e. ISIL, ISIS), likened

in The politics of attack
Jeremy Pressman

had changed Egyptians’ opinion about Israel: ‘popular indifference has given way to hate’, something Tal links to the rhetoric that paved the way to the 1967 war.55 At the same time, the border grew quiet.56 Boaz Atzili and Wendy Pearlman argue that the border grew quiet because Nasser was greatly empowered by the 1956 war; they argue stronger states are much better than weak ones at cracking down on non-state actors operating militarily from within their territory.57 The rise of Nasser, synonymous with the rise of pan-Arabism, could have been much worse for Israel

in The sword is not enough
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

distinctive features that remain today. Third, the chapter analyses the UN strategies used in the DRC since the UN’s deployment. The sources of conflict and the role of resistance The complexities developed during two decades of war and peacebuilding in the DRC mean that state and non-state actors alike are engaged in processes of authority assertion, war and accumulation. The few accounts on resistance provide detailed and historically grounded analyses but have not theorised resistance itself. Rather, they have captured the responses of Congolese people to the imposition

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Open Access (free)
Resistance and the liberal peace: a missing link
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

in the Africanist literature offer an analysis of hybrid institutions and routines that enable regulations and norms by state and non-state actors alike (Laudati 2013; Seay 2013; de Sardan 2012; Leinweber 2012; Titeca and De Herdt 2011). In a different way, this book concentrates on practices that define state-making more generally and where resistance is rooted. ‘Practices’ cannot be disentangled from the relationships, context and processes of which they are part. These ways of doing in everyday life have a history 12 Introduction: Resistance and the liberal

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Abstract only
James Greenhalgh

purportedly indisputable scientific principles to shape society through the total control of space.27 What is important for the arguments presented here is that town planning and plans articulate the social and cultural anxieties of their day. They are physical interventions into the lives of citizens on a permanent basis that seek to solve perceived problems and perfect the totality of urban experience and function through material means. Planning strategies encapsulate and articulate the complex socio-­ cultural views of a host of influential state and non-state actors

in Reconstructing modernity
Josefina A. Echavarria

transnational terrorism along the following lines: Failed and failing states are states that due to severe challenges cannot monopolize the use of force vis-à-vis other non-state actors in society and are therefore incapable of fully projecting power within their national boundaries. … As a consequence, failed states

in In/security in Colombia
Kelly-Kate Pease

well as non-state actors. The United Nations Secretary-General The United Nations Secretary-General is the chief diplomat of the UN and head of the UN secretariat. The secretary-general is elected to a five-year, renewable term where the Security Council makes a recommendation to the General Assembly which then must approve the nominee with a two-thirds majority. Informally, candidates for secretary-general cannot be nationals of one of the P-5. Yet, they must be acceptable to the P-5 and are chosen on a rotational regional basis. The position

in Human rights and humanitarian diplomacy
Michael Byers

Introduction Most of humanity shares two searing memories: the collapse of the World Trade Center on 11 September 2001; and a hooded man standing on a box with wires dangling from his outstretched hands. These images capture the painful truth that both sides in the so-called ‘war on terror’ have violated fundamental rules. But while non-state actors can violate international law, only states are able to change the law, making their breaches of greater potential consequence. In this chapter, I consider how the recent actions of the United States

in ‘War on terror’