This pattern of monastic exemption becomes more apparent under Louis the Pious (814–40), whose dedication to Benedictine reform effectively conferred royal protection and grants of immunity to monasteries throughout the FrankishEmpire. 119 When Charles the Bald granted privileges to Flavigny in 849, moreover, he stated very clearly that the monastery’s dominium no longer belonged to the diocesan bishop. Rather, it was emphatically placed under the king’s protection ( tuitio ), immunity ( immunitas ), and defence ( defensio ). 120
, John’s contribution to the growth of monastic exemption was both important and significant. The constitutive element of protection ( tuitio ) in his exemption charters served to bolster the papacy’s position in granting and restricting specific right and freedoms within the ecclesiastical structure.
For many French monasteries, the prospect of exemption was all the more accessible with John VIII’s physical presence in their lands. 101 The instability of the FrankishEmpire – and the resulting insecurity of the apostolic see in the wake of
Bernhard Zeller, Charles West, Francesca Tinti, Marco Stoffella, Nicolas Schroeder, Carine van Rhijn, Steffen Patzold, Thomas Kohl, Wendy Davies, and Miriam Czock
perspective of those who intervened, while also bearing in mind the social dynamics occasioned by these interventions at a local level.
In most areas of early medieval Europe war was not an exception but the rule. 4 For example, Carolingian kings ordered military expeditions almost every year, sustaining the goal – from around about 800 – of obtaining plunder and tribute, but not conquering regions as before; 5 Annals from the FrankishEmpire explicitly noted when there had been no wars during the year. 6 Contemporary writers applauded their kings for their wars
of the presentation by the patriarch of Jerusalem of several keys associated with the city that had been made for Charlemagne on the eve of his coronation in 800. 75 The story of Charlemagne receiving the keys was preserved in the Annales regni Francorum , a semi-official history of the Carolingian dynasty from the death of Charles Martel in 741 up to the beginning of Louis the Pious’s political crisis in 829. 76 The text was popular throughout the Middle Ages, appearing in a number of monastic inventories, particularly in the lands of the former Frankishempire
(b. 823) was thirty-seven and Louis the German in his mid-forties.
Although in fact Lothar II died before his uncles, had he lived to
sixty as his father, grandfather and great-grandfather had all done,
he would have outlived not only Charles and Louis but perhaps even
their sons, and been in contention to inherit a substantial part of
the Frankishempire. 39 In 860, Lothar’s need for a legitimate son
. It is mainly from Hincmar’s own writings that Flodoard constructed his history of Rheims.
Our own view of the Carolingian empire is also greatly shaped by Hincmar’s work. Hincmar was born within a decade of Charlemagne’s acceptance of the imperial title in 800; he died in 882, six years before the death of the last undisputed Carolingian emperor, Charles the Fat. His long life therefore encompassed the greater part of the Frankishempire’s existence. But Hincmar was not just a witness to the Carolingian ninth century. As archbishop of Rheims, he was one of its
permanent incorporation of Poland, Bohemia, and Hungary within the
community of Latin Christendom.
On a more general level, the
election of Henry I and advent of the Ottonians figured within a larger
historical trend that saw rulers emerge from among the aristocracies of
the FrankishEmpire to replace or at least rival the traditional ruling
house of the Carolingians. For the most part, these new rulers were
peoples, such as
Bede’s on the Anglo-Saxons and Irish, omitted
systematically. 97 The exception to this is the history of the
Lombards, furnished from Paul’s Historia , which had more
contemporary relevance given the Carolingians’ incorporation of
Italy into the Frankishempire after 774. Franko-Lombard relations
figure prominently and information on internal Lombard politics is
example of the Romans’ (‘iuxta
exempla Romanorum’). 18 By the end of the eighth century, the conversion
had taken hold to such an extent that Anglo-Saxon clerics such as
Boniface were despatched to the continent to pursue missionary work in
the northern Frankishempire, and scholars such as Alcuin of York were
invited to join Charlemagne’s court school at Aachen.
The eighth century would come to be