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Paul Fouracre and Richard A. Gerberding

acquired the relics. 11 Furthermore, we suspect that the work was contemporary, or nearly so, because it is dedicated to Hermenar, Leudegar’s successor as bishop of Autun. Two casual first-person eyewitness references to events, and the work’s generally extraordinarily detailed treatment of affairs, both in Autun and at the centre of Frankish politics, also lead us to

in Late Merovingian France
Abstract only
Simon MacLean

Frankish politics, and the empire retained its hegemonic character thanks to the close family relationships of its rulers. However, a realm sustained by dynastic ideology depended for its continued existence on the capacity of the ruling dynasty to keep reproducing itself. A series of unexpected royal deaths and barren marriages in the 870s and 880s caused the political fabric to begin unravelling, and in

in History and politics in late Carolingian and Ottonian Europe
Brigitte Kasten

kingdom for Charles. If no real or lasting agreement was reached, that resulted from the uncomfortable realities of Frankish politics, and can hardly be laid at Judith’s door. She manoeuvred skilfully to negotiate a settlement that her stepsons, or at least the eldest of them, Lothar, could accept. 109 Again, her posture was essentially a defensive rather than an offensive one. This was no aggressively evil stepmother. The evidence considered in this essay shows that in the case of ruling families, second (or third or further) marriages created a problem that simply

in Law, laity and solidarities
Defining the boundaries of Carolingian Christianity
Matthew Innes

), pp. 1–10, and note P. Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity, AD 200–1000 (Oxford, 1996), p. 421. 57 Boniface’s involvement in the complex Frankish politics of the late 740s and early 750s is unclear, but his impotency in his moves against Virgil, and the tone of his

in Frankland
King Athelstan’s sisters and Frankish queenship
Simon MacLean

other constituted a political resource which was useful not only to the women themselves but also to the kings in their lives. Their natal family identity remained important to the sisters, and its part in Frankish politics (which had to be deliberately activated) shows that their role was anything but passive. Kinship ties could be critical to political alliances and

in Frankland
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Bernhard Zeller, Charles West, Francesca Tinti, Marco Stoffella, Nicolas Schroeder, Carine van Rhijn, Steffen Patzold, Thomas Kohl, Wendy Davies, and Miriam Czock

to an end, Charles the Simple of west Francia called himself rex Francorum , firmly associating Frankish political identity with this western kingdom. Ultimately the dynasty was to change in the west too as Robert of Neustria, brother of Odo, defender of Paris, was chosen king in 922. Consequent conflicts were resolved by the coronation of the Robertian, Hugh Capet, in 987. 23 In east Francia, influential magnates and important churchmen moulded the course of politics, while leading aristocrats struggled to establish a quasi-regal, ducal position in each of the

in Neighbours and strangers
Paul Fouracre and Richard A. Gerberding

which the bishops were used to exerting strong local control over everything in their dioceses, including the monasteries. In the Frankish political system of family and faction a strong independent religious centre would be a juicy plum indeed for one side or the other. Such a monastery could, of course, work with the local bishop, but it could also work against him, depending on the factional

in Late Merovingian France
Paul Fouracre and Richard A. Gerberding

are strictly those tried and proven virtues which brought success in Frankish political and military spheres. Next we are given a detailed account, although not always an accurate one, of how Martel gained the leadership of the Austrasians. It is significant that the author shows us that he did this largely through battles with external enemies. Conquering the gentes , as we

in Late Merovingian France
Paul Fouracre and Richard A. Gerberding

it shows us peace being re-established at a local level, with those behind the bishop’s murder becoming patrons of a cult which celebrated his status as a martyr. It was this ability to make peace at both local and ‘national’ level which enabled the Frankish political community to survive its periodic bouts of feuding. The Passio Praejecti is a source of immense value in providing us with

in Late Merovingian France
Abstract only
Rachel Stone and Charles West

appeals to ancient authorities in a battle over the meaning of marriage. 512 It is nevertheless true that the political struggle was at least in part articulated through reasoned argument over principles, and nominally based on evidence collected from a remarkable range of sources. In this it stood in a tradition of ninth-century Frankish political contests involving competition

in The divorce of King Lothar and Queen Theutberga