, MGH Concilia 2.2, pp. 724–67.
39 Cf. Matthew 16:19, where it is only Peter who is given the power of binding and loosing. The idea of the bishops collectively sharing Peter’s prerogatives, as successors to the apostles, is clearly expressed in the Relatio episcoporum of 833, which contains the bishops’ accusations against LouisthePious that led to his public penance. Relatio episcoporum (833), p. 51; De Jong, Penitential State , p. 271; for a new edition of this text, see Booker, ‘Public penance’.
40 This best fits Charles the Bald, who at the beginning
This book, written in honour of Mayke De Jong, offers twenty-five essays focused upon the importance of religion to Frankish politics. It deals with religious discourse and political polemic in studies that take up the themes of identity, and the creative deployment of the language of the Old Testament within Frankish society. The book explores how the use of ethnic rhetoric in a Christian context shaped medieval perceptions of community. It shows that the Carolingian way of dealing with the Adoptionist challenge was to allow a conversation between the Spanish bishops and their Frankish opponents to take place. Charlemagne's role in the Vita Alcuini as a guardian of orthodoxy who sought to settle a controversy by organising and supervising a theological debate was striking. The book also discusses the admonition of an abbot of Frankish origin who came from southern France and made his monastic career in southern Italy. It showcases three letter manuscripts that share certain features but are different in other aspects. The first manuscript is a collection of the Moral Letters from Seneca to his pupil Lucilius , Paris , BnF, lat. 8658A. The book demonstrates that the lists of amici, viventes et defuncti reflected how the royal monastery was interacting with ruling elites, at different levels, and how such interactions were an essential part of its identity. It also examines the context of Monte Cassino's fading into the background, in the conviction that both political and religious concerns were at play.
of LouisthePious, The Penitential State, amply illustrates
the intricate relationship between politics and religion.4
Throughout her professional career Mayke de Jong has staunchly maintained that all historians, and especially early medievalists, must take religion
seriously as integral to politics. Further, all historians should take early medieval Christianity seriously; it was no mere shadow of ‘real Christianity’; nor
was it only a dim outline obscured by the notion, now thoroughly discredited,
of ‘Germanic paganism’. Some of Mayke’s thinking about this was
LouisthePious, 814–840 (Cambridge, 2009); and in her
‘Sacrum palatium et ecclesia: l’autorité religieuse royale sous les Carolingiens
(790–840)’, Annales: histoire, sciences sociales 58:6 (2003), 1243–69.
See K. Schmid and J. Wollasch (eds), Memoria. Das Geschichtliche Zeugniswert des
liturgischen Gedenkens im Mittelalter (Münster, 1984); O. Oexle (ed.), Memoria als
Kultur (Göttingen, 1995). J. Autenrieth, D. Geuenich and K. Schmid (eds), Das
Verbrüderungsbuch der Abtei Reichenau (Einleitung, Register, Faksimile), MGH Libri
memoriales et necrologia, n.s. 1
resistence to heresies and affirming the correct faith.8
Moreover, the acts of the council mention that Hildebald, like his predecessor
Angilram before him, had received papal permission to be absent from his
diocese in order to be able to fulfil his position as court chaplain.9 In the council’s acts there are no passages that hint at such a use of the letters in the Codex
Carolinus specifically, but the eighth chapter does state that, as authoritative
Charlemagne. Empire and Society (Manchester/New York, 2005), 103–35, passim;
and, for this notion in LouisthePious
exclaim: ‘Incorrigible Hincmar! … chaque morceau est intéressant mais … la longueur est excessive’ (‘each bit is interesting but the whole thing is excessively long’). 2
Writing of the 820s
I will return presently to the Collectio de ecclesiis . But to get an entrée to Hincmar’s life at the earliest possible date, we have to go back to August 822. Hincmar, as a youthful canon at St-Denis, had followed his nutritor Hilduin, abbot of St-Denis and imperial arch-chaplain, to the court of LouisthePious and the great
fields. It is intended as a road-marker, showing how recent research has altered our understanding of the archbishop, and of the world he did so much to shape. Above all, as the subtitle indicates, it connects together Hincmar’s life and work.
Hincmar’s works are overwhelmingly anchored to a specific time, place and context: he wrote in response to events, not as an abstract theorist or secluded in a monastic cell. He was on the front line of politics, serving four successive rulers of western Francia (LouisthePious, Charles the Bald, Louis the Stammerer and
The case of Hincmar of Laon in the Annals of St-Bertin
hint of the later turn of events. It is by no means about an unworthy and bad bishop. The topic is rather one of those that determined the pulse of the age: dealing with ecclesiastical property and the relationship of secular and spiritual power. Hincmar of Laon had refused to give the king the entire control over the distribution of the property of the see of Laon.
Hincmar of Rheims was determined to restore the Church property of Rheims that had been lost in the war between the sons of LouisthePious. In accordance with this fundamental
successor, Hincmar of Reims.6 This new dating, around 850, rests
mainly on her interpretation of the illustration of the so-called Athanasian
Creed on the Trinity (which begins with Quicumque vult) as found in the
Utrecht Psalter (fol. 90v). However, mainly from the illustration of Psalm 88
(fol. 51v), Dominique Alibert concluded that the Utrecht Psalter was made
under Ebo c. 823 for LouisthePious to commemorate the Viking embassy
at Soissons at which Ebo assisted. Additionally, the manuscript also contains
echoes from the voluntary penance of Louis at Attigny (to the
Church council under control of the Carolingians declared that monks
and handmaids of God should strive to order their specific way of life iuxta
regulam sancti Benedicti.2 The Regula Benedicti had been produced for ascetic
enthusiasts finding their place in a world of fading Romanitas. It had little to
do with Francia at the verge of the Carolingian takeover or with the ambitious
plans of Charlemagne and LouisthePious to shape an ideal God-pleasing
Mayke de Jong has provided by far the best attempt to capture the spirit of monastic
reform in the