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Mayke de Jong and Justin Lake

, MGH Concilia 2.2, pp. 724–67. 39 Cf. Matthew 16:19, where it is only Peter who is given the power of binding and loosing. The idea of the bishops collectively sharing Peter’s prerogatives, as successors to the apostles, is clearly expressed in the Relatio episcoporum of 833, which contains the bishops’ accusations against Louis the Pious that led to his public penance. Relatio episcoporum (833), p. 51; De Jong, Penitential State , p. 271; for a new edition of this text, see Booker, ‘Public penance’. 40 This best fits Charles the Bald, who at the beginning

in Confronting crisis in the Carolingian empire
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Religion and power in the Frankish Kingdoms: studies in honour of Mayke de Jong

This book, written in honour of Mayke De Jong, offers twenty-five essays focused upon the importance of religion to Frankish politics. It deals with religious discourse and political polemic in studies that take up the themes of identity, and the creative deployment of the language of the Old Testament within Frankish society. The book explores how the use of ethnic rhetoric in a Christian context shaped medieval perceptions of community. It shows that the Carolingian way of dealing with the Adoptionist challenge was to allow a conversation between the Spanish bishops and their Frankish opponents to take place. Charlemagne's role in the Vita Alcuini as a guardian of orthodoxy who sought to settle a controversy by organising and supervising a theological debate was striking. The book also discusses the admonition of an abbot of Frankish origin who came from southern France and made his monastic career in southern Italy. It showcases three letter manuscripts that share certain features but are different in other aspects. The first manuscript is a collection of the Moral Letters from Seneca to his pupil Lucilius , Paris , BnF, lat. 8658A. The book demonstrates that the lists of amici, viventes et defuncti reflected how the royal monastery was interacting with ruling elites, at different levels, and how such interactions were an essential part of its identity. It also examines the context of Monte Cassino's fading into the background, in the conviction that both political and religious concerns were at play.

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Rosamond McKitterick

of Louis the Pious, The Penitential State, amply illustrates the intricate relationship between politics and religion.4 Throughout her professional career Mayke de Jong has staunchly maintained that all historians, and especially early medievalists, must take religion seriously as integral to politics. Further, all historians should take early medieval Christianity seriously; it was no mere shadow of ‘real Christianity’; nor was it only a dim outline obscured by the notion, now thoroughly discredited, of ‘Germanic paganism’. Some of Mayke’s thinking about this was

in Religious Franks
Competition and cooperation?
Régine Le Jan

Louis the Pious, 814–840 (Cambridge, 2009); and in her ‘Sacrum palatium et ecclesia:  l’autorité religieuse royale sous les Carolingiens (790–840)’, Annales: histoire, sciences sociales 58:6 (2003), 1243–69. 2 See K. Schmid and J. Wollasch (eds), Memoria. Das Geschichtliche Zeugniswert des liturgischen Gedenkens im Mittelalter (Münster, 1984); O. Oexle (ed.), Memoria als Kultur (Göttingen, 1995). J.  Autenrieth, D.  Geuenich and K.  Schmid (eds), Das Verbrüderungsbuch der Abtei Reichenau (Einleitung, Register, Faksimile), MGH Libri memoriales et necrologia, n.s. 1

in Religious Franks
Politics and ecclesiology in the ninth century
Tom Noble

resistence to heresies and affirming the correct faith.8 Moreover, the acts of the council mention that Hildebald, like his predecessor Angilram before him, had received papal permission to be absent from his diocese in order to be able to fulfil his position as court chaplain.9 In the council’s acts there are no passages that hint at such a use of the letters in the Codex Carolinus specifically, but the eighth chapter does state that, as authoritative Charlemagne. Empire and Society (Manchester/New  York, 2005), 103–35, passim; and, for this notion in Louis the Pious

in Religious Franks
Janet L. Nelson

exclaim: ‘Incorrigible Hincmar! … chaque morceau est intéressant mais … la longueur est excessive’ (‘each bit is interesting but the whole thing is excessively long’). 2 Writing of the 820s I will return presently to the Collectio de ecclesiis . But to get an entrée to Hincmar’s life at the earliest possible date, we have to go back to August 822. Hincmar, as a youthful canon at St-Denis, had followed his nutritor Hilduin, abbot of St-Denis and imperial arch-chaplain, to the court of Louis the Pious and the great

in Hincmar of Rheims
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Hincmar’s world
Rachel Stone

fields. It is intended as a road-marker, showing how recent research has altered our understanding of the archbishop, and of the world he did so much to shape. Above all, as the subtitle indicates, it connects together Hincmar’s life and work. Hincmar’s works are overwhelmingly anchored to a specific time, place and context: he wrote in response to events, not as an abstract theorist or secluded in a monastic cell. He was on the front line of politics, serving four successive rulers of western Francia (Louis the Pious, Charles the Bald, Louis the Stammerer and

in Hincmar of Rheims
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The case of Hincmar of Laon in the Annals of St-Bertin
Christine Kleinjung

hint of the later turn of events. It is by no means about an unworthy and bad bishop. The topic is rather one of those that determined the pulse of the age: dealing with ecclesiastical property and the relationship of secular and spiritual power. Hincmar of Laon had refused to give the king the entire control over the distribution of the property of the see of Laon. Hincmar of Rheims was determined to restore the Church property of Rheims that had been lost in the war between the sons of Louis the Pious. In accordance with this fundamental

in Hincmar of Rheims
Bart Jaski

successor, Hincmar of Reims.6 This new dating, around 850, rests mainly on her interpretation of the illustration of the so-called Athanasian Creed on the Trinity (which begins with Quicumque vult) as found in the Utrecht Psalter (fol. 90v). However, mainly from the illustration of Psalm 88 (fol. 51v), Dominique Alibert concluded that the Utrecht Psalter was made under Ebo c. 823 for Louis the Pious to commemorate the Viking embassy at Soissons at which Ebo assisted. Additionally, the manuscript also contains echoes from the voluntary penance of Louis at Attigny (to the

in Religious Franks
Albrecht Diem

Church council under control of the Carolingians declared that monks and handmaids of God should strive to order their specific way of life iuxta regulam sancti Benedicti.2 The Regula Benedicti had been produced for ascetic enthusiasts finding their place in a world of fading Romanitas. It had little to do with Francia at the verge of the Carolingian takeover or with the ambitious plans of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious to shape an ideal God-pleasing society. Mayke de Jong has provided by far the best attempt to capture the spirit of monastic reform in the

in Religious Franks