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The Franks between theory and practice
Alice Rio

new impulse in the production of both manuscripts and new collections during the reigns of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious. 20 This does not mean that these collections were produced as a result of royal initiative: on the whole, collections compiled in the context of the imperial chancery, such as the Formulae Imperiales in Paris BnF lat. 2718, do not appear to have been particularly more

in Frankland
Abstract only
Gottschalk of Orbais and the predestination controversy in the archdiocese of Rheims
Matthew Bryan Gillis

rulers, bishops and the nobility to be certain who held legitimate authority to rule and correct, as one crisis followed another: rebellions against Louis the Pious by his sons and their supporters; Louis’s dethronement, atonement and dramatic recovery of power; 9 and then Louis’s death followed by civil war and the division of the empire. 10 In this atmosphere of existential uncertainty, Gottschalk’s teachings offered a clear message of what was expected of every believer: true humility for one’s utter sinfulness and belief in the absolute need for grace. Gottschalk

in Hincmar of Rheims
The case of Trising in context
Mayke de Jong

another. 26 Over the past decade, views on the date and origins of the False Decretals have changed. Until quite recently, the forgery used to be seen as the product of conflicts between Hincmar and his clergy, to be dated to 847–52; nowadays it is thought to have originated in the monastery of Corbie, in the direct aftermath of the rebellions against Louis the Pious in 830 and 833. 27 Although the discussion still continues, the first direct reference to the Decretals remains the one in Hincmar’s Second episcopal statute , issued on 1

in Hincmar of Rheims
James Naus

in elevating Pippin to the throne as the first Carolingian king. As one might expect, Pippin was remarkably generous over the course of his reign to his patron. Among other things, he appointed Fulrad the maître de la chapelle , an advisory role that ensured the Dionysian abbot’s continued role in politics. The relationship was also important because it prefigured the close association between Dionysian abbots and French kings in the succeeding centuries. Hilduin (abbot from 814 to 840) had particularly close connections to the royal court. Louis the Pious made

in Constructing kingship
Hincmar in the crisis of 875
Clémentine Bernard-Valette

’s synod. Hincmar and other bishops from the provinces of Rheims and Rouen decided to warn Louis, and sent him a letter to persuade him not to usurp his brother’s throne. 5 The bishops’ 858 letter had three purposes: it announced that they refused to meet Louis at a council where the latter wanted to see his plans ratified by Charles’s primores regni ; 6 it reminded Louis of the necessity of protecting the confraternity regime and the conditions of peace between Louis the Pious’s sons and heirs, as ratified by Lothar, Louis and Charles in

in Hincmar of Rheims
Abstract only
Kriston R. Rennie

forged – and the ongoing claims of both factions. 45 The monks of Saint-Calais first complained of the bishop’s oppression at the councils of Bonneuil (855) and Pîtres (862). 46 As defence, they presented genuine Frankish immunities from Pippin the Short, Charlemagne, Louis the Pious, and Charles the Bald. 47 Ignoring the conciliar decisions, however, the bishops of Le Mans did not easily cede their jurisdictional rights over the monastery. 48 In countering the monastery’s claims, in fact, they drew on their own written evidence ( legitima

in Freedom and protection
Lower office holders
Bernhard Zeller, Charles West, Francesca Tinti, Marco Stoffella, Nicolas Schroeder, Carine van Rhijn, Steffen Patzold, Thomas Kohl, Wendy Davies, and Miriam Czock

unclear category). 90 A capitulary issued by Louis the Pious mentions them in a list: ‘praepositus, advocatus, centenarius vel qualibet alia dignitate praedita libera persona’, where centenarii and other office holders are presented as free men invested with a certain honour ( dignitas ). 91 A capitulary issued in Aachen in 809 mentions the ‘appointment’ of centenarii and other office holders involved in legal proceedings but only in a passive clause: they ‘should be appointed to fulfil their duties’. From the perspective of the Carolingian court, qualification

in Neighbours and strangers
Charters as evidence
Pauline Stafford

’ – taking counsel, protecting the church, defending widows. But how was the shift away from the late 980s to be presented? Not as repentance. Æthelred was to be no Louis the Pious, though the actions from which he was now turning were less serious than those which prompted Attigny. 71 Instead Æthelred (or his spokesmen) invoked the metaphor of the human body and its life-cycle, a process of natural change and development. Such a metaphor had special relevance in a decade when royal family inheritance and the emergence of the king’s sons had brought royal youth back to

in Law, laity and solidarities
Rachel Stone

Louis the Pious and Judith in 834. Walahfrid repeatedly praises his bravery and especially his loyalty to his domini . Such behaviour merits earthly fame and heavenly reward: Just as the man aware of his treachery wastes away, his breast racked by its poison, so, or rather much more, may those who have

in Frankland
Bernhard Zeller, Charles West, Francesca Tinti, Marco Stoffella, Nicolas Schroeder, Carine van Rhijn, Steffen Patzold, Thomas Kohl, Wendy Davies, and Miriam Czock

every five hides was bound to go to war in the event of a royal expedition. 43 We cannot be sure that such norms were always applied in practice, but rulers and their courts had an interest in enforcing their demands, since gathering armies was not always easy. 44 Louis the Pious was forced to postpone an expedition to Brittany in 824 because of a famine – a real threat to a ruler’s military capabilities. 45 Frankish central power sometimes became obsessed with details at the local level, as is visible in a normative text from 829: here, so-called missi dominici

in Neighbours and strangers