This collection of lively biographical essays examines historical and contemporary Pan-Africanism as an ideology of emancipation and unity. The volume covers thirty-six major figures, including well-known Pan-Africanists such as W.E.B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, Amy Ashwood Garvey, C.L.R. James, George Padmore, Kwame Nkrumah, Frantz Fanon, Steve Biko, and Thabo Mbeki, as well as popular figures not typically identified with mainstream Pan-Africanism such as Maya Angelou, Mariama Bâ, Buchi Emecheta, Miriam Makeba, Ruth First, Wangari Maathai, Wole Soyinka, Derek Walcott, V.Y. Mudimbe, Léopold Senghor, Malcolm X, Bob Marley, and Fela Anikulapo-Kuti. The book explores the history and pioneers of the movement; the quest for reparations; politicians; poets; activists; as well as Pan-Africanism in the social sciences, philosophy, literature, and its musical activists. With contributions from a diverse and prominent group of African, Caribbean, and African-American scholars, The Pan-African Pantheon is a comprehensive and diverse introductory reader for specialists and general readers alike.
take on the events was rather different. As he made clear during his talks with the German negotiators, Naguib insisted that the FRG ‘“owed” [the] Arab States an “indemnity”’ and that the ‘long-term credits to [the Arab States], of which Egypt would get [the] lion’s share, should “at least” equal [the] amount of reparations paid [to] Israel’. 4 US Ambassador Caffery worked hard to help the West Germans reach out to the local authorities, and explained to the Bonn delegation the main issues that were behind the attitude of the Egyptian counterparts – i.e. their
‘Case history’ on violence against women, and against women’s rights to
health and to reproductive health
Sara De Vido
state laws and policies.
The bi-dimensional relationship will be explored using the jurisprudence of
regional human rights courts and the activity of international human rights bodies,
along with some relevant national judgments and state practice. I will study the
decisions following three axes, which correspond to specific questions:
1. Who are the applicants?
2. Has the right to health been applied directly? In which ways was women’s
health relevant in the decision?
3. What reparations, if any, have been granted to the person(s) whose rights have
subjects – states. In 1945, such an idea was still a radical one given the domination of international relations by states hitherto. This explains why the UN Charter was silent on the matter of international legal personality (although it granted the UN legal capacity in national legal orders). However, by 1949, the matter was settled in favour of the UN having international legal personality with the concomitant right to bring claims against states following the ICJ’s advisory opinion in the Reparations case (see Case Study 7). That ICJ opinion, however, is just the
was to pay her reparations and Britain her war-debts. The ‘same
old Hun’ was, however, a resilient popular theme, the legacy of
which was not even removed by the appeasement of the 1930s.
The First World War
The wartime propaganda experience had four further consequences that were to prove just as damaging to future peace. The
first has already been discussed – namely, the use to which the likes
of Adolf Hitler manipulated the alleged role of propaganda in
wartime to serve their own political purposes. Less well
accreditation to Ghana, Sierra Leone, Cameroon and Namibia. 13 His fight for social justice and human rights had already earned him the nickname “Burning Spear”, a sobriquet given to him by Kenya’s Jomo Kenyatta. But as his diplomatic career blossomed, Thompson became an advocate for reparations for slavery, and cemented his place at the centre of the Pan-African movement. As the editor-at-large of the Jamaica Observer , H.G. Helps, put it, Thompson’s dream was to see “a federation or confederation of Africa”. Thompson himself expressed this hope, suggesting that there
The 2008 Italy–Libya Friendship Treaty and thereassembling of Fortress Europe
Chiara De Cesari
, and is said, on the day of the agreement,
to have bowed before Al-Muktar’s son, expressing ‘in the name of the Italian
people, … apologies for the deep wounds’ caused to the Libyans (Di Caro 2008).
Yet the Treaty stipulates reparations for abuses that are never explicitly mentioned. Several commentators, including the most important historian of Italian
colonialism, were quick to emphasize this aspect, namely the lack of history and
memory (Del Boca, 2009). Following the preamble, the text of the Treaty consists
of three parts: first, the general principles
upon important facts. The FRG agreed to pay reparations to Israel seven years after the liberation of the last concentration camp. The agreement that the two countries signed in 1952 was unprecedented and revolutionary in the history of post-genocidal reconciliation. At that time, Benjamin Ferencz, former Chief Prosecutor for the US Army at the Einsatzgruppen trial at the Nuremberg war trials, stressed that with the agreement Germany had ‘established a milestone in international morality’. 1 Up to that moment, only victors in a war could demand reparations from
The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand,
and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that
violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state)
health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence
against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human
rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence
against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of
the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the
horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’
dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional
and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept
of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence
against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on
the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised
in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an
innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due
diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment).
The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the
ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).
The victims' struggle for recognition and recurring genocide memories in Namibia
Vilho Amukwaya Shigwedha
Namibia without proper investigations to
determine whether they really belonged to the victims of the Herero
and Nama genocide victims.
The return of Herero and Nama bones from Germany 201
Since the Namibian government did not specifically indicate
interest in the issue regarding reparations for the descendants of
the victims, the German government concluded that the ‘lukewarm
response’ from the Namibian government on this issue affirms the
Namibian and German governments’ agreement not to compensate
affected groups and communities.18 For a considerable period