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Welfare reform and the ‘Third Way’ politics of New Labour and the New Democrats
Stephen Driver

commitments to social justice, because labour force attachment strategies reinforce labour market divisions, especially for the low-paid. 20 In the UK, the USA and elsewhere, the ‘welfare state’ is giving way to the ‘workfare state’. Any possibility of the Labour Government delivering on the traditional objectives of the Left has been lost. Is ‘work first’ making it

in The Third Way and beyond
Community engagement and lifelong learning
Author: Peter Mayo

In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.

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Melissa McCarthy

appreciation of the symbolic power that prisons communicate. Looking first at the USA and then at the Western European countries that follow its ‘politics of poverty’, Wacquant describes the penal system and the workfare state (no longer welfare) as intermeshed, both of them working to control and tame populations – women, ethnic minorities, immigrants – that had threatened disruption. Ian Loader responds to Wacquant by seeing whether, despite the grip of neoliberal penality, there might be routes out of this morass. One grappling hook for dealing with the issue, for Loader

in Incarceration and human rights
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Jenny Andersson

. 2 Today, Swedish social democracy is again stressing its idea of a strong relationship between growth and security as a mark of distinction between the Swedish folkhem -model and other models in the debate on the future of the European social model, and against US-style workfare capitalism. Others are looking to this Swedish idea, too. The Lisbon strategy, which Swedish social democracy put a lot

in Between growth and security
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Postcolonial hangovers
Mark Hampton

university fees, zero-hour contracts, and ‘workfare’, and had met with major demonstrations in March 2011 with as many 500,000 protestors taking to London’s streets. 9 At the same time, while Hong Kong enjoyed some of the world’s most modern infrastructure, and its MTR Corporation had even been contracted to run a London overground rail line, British economics journalists would claim, in 2012, that the UK

in Hong Kong and British culture, 1945–97
Tony Fitzpatrick

strategies adopted and the institutional background at work. Indeed, Chapter 4 will suggest that ‘old’ social democracy is far from dead, precisely because there is far more heterogeneity than accounts of the investment state, or the competition state, or the workfare state, or whatever, normally allow for. Even so, I neither want to underestimate the degree of state convergence that globalisation implies and the ‘security state’ is a working hypothesis that I apply to the UK and USA, two countries in which the NSD has arguably been most influential. Second, however, this

in After the new social democracy
Chris Armstrong

, as Dworkin (2000: 440) argues, we cannot interfere with the personal freedoms of the rich merely in the interests of relative equality. Unfortunately, the same courtesy is not extended to the poor – as with New Labour, Arneson and Dworkin appear prepared to countenance coercive measures for those who make poorly thought-out or ‘imprudent’ decisions. The last chapter detailed Dworkin’s neo-paternalist injunctions on workfare policy, but it is not only Dworkin who is willing to defend compulsory welfare-to-work schemes, for instance. Richard Arneson is even more

in Rethinking Equality
Liene Ozoliņa

Welfare reported to me during an interview, however, there was significant resistance in the Latvian government towards any such additional measures. Eventually, a compromise was reached, and it took the shape of a workfare programme. People who were out of work for over six months could receive a 100 Lats monthly cash payment (equivalent to about 140 Euro at the time) in exchange for manual labour. For months, one could see people in large numbers raking leaves, shovelling snow and plucking weeds on the streets and in the parks of cities and towns across the country

in Politics of waiting
Armando Barrientos and Martin Powell

. In conclusion, Green-Pedersen et al . 89 stated that the policy elements in the Netherlands closely match those outlined in the Blair–Schröder document. To some extent, the Netherlands has been practising the ‘Third Way’ for some years. Finally, Sweden has long been at the forefront of left-of-centre thinking in labour market policy: ‘workfare

in The Third Way and beyond
Joe Larragy

for much of the rising income of most workers. But, even in Marxian terms, the evidence points to a period of investment-­driven expansion and increasing labour productivity rather than a deepening rate of exploitation of labour through wage depression, which might be expected of neo-­liberalism. Moreover, instead of the panoply of workfare and stigmatisation that was actively touted in the 1980s and 1990s in the US and UK, the decades of the Celtic Tiger (which coincided with social partnership) witnessed a general increase in living standards and labour market

in Asymmetric engagement