and the State (London, 2005) pp. 6–26;
Linehan, British Fascism p. 44; Renton, D. Fascism, Anti-Fascism p. 12.
Cited in Workers’ Dreadnought (18/6/21), p. 3.
Ibid. (9/9/22), p. 4.
Cited in Behan, Resistible Rise p. 50.
The Daily Herald (4/11/22), actually carried an advertisement for the march, though,
as a commercial paper, advertising was prominent and the decision to accept it was
unlikely to have been sanctioned by the Labourhierarchy.The WSF’s blanket condemnation is in Workers’ Dreadnought (11/11/22), p. 1.
The early 1920s saw the formation of several more
/unproductive/reproductive labourhierarchy suggested by The Wealth of Nations, Smith, I suggest, looked
back to the Lockean paradigm of labour as self-ownership. As a femme
couverte, the wife of a debtor and mother to children defrauded of their
inheritance, Smith found in the labour theory of value, I suggest, a means
to self-possession through authorship that eluded her in life.
If Smith’s engagement with questions surrounding female labour
and value tells a very personal story, then in Wollstonecraft’s case the
question of women’s work is very much a public concern, the negotiation
thoroughly unflattering Renan passage dug out by Césaire
when he excoriates the brutal labourhierarchies that colonial registers of
racialisation were able to conjure, conceptions that Césaire rightly insisted
were as likely to be subscribed to by scholarly ‘humanists’ like Renan as
by more militant merchants of imperial civilisationism. Indeed, as Césaire
asks when sardonically pondering the provenance of the following passage:
‘Hitler? Rosenberg? No, Renan.’
The regeneration of the inferior or degenerate races by the superior races is
part of the providential order of
their power depended on keeping the Arab masses in a state of
backwardness. Referring to the armed clashes of 1920–1921 between Arabs and
Jews in Jaffa and Jerusalem, he asserted that the Arabs had no right to ‘prohibit
the approach of other land and work seeking people to soil which is lying idle’.21
These were to become familiar themes in Labour Zionist propaganda that Poale
Zion propagated in Britain. The party members were active in a few constituency
Labour parties but the focus of their activity was to establish friendly relations
with the Labourhierarchy. At
of the body – and makes
‘maternal femininity’ a discursive positioning in language, a composite of other
people’s words. This de-essentialisation could make it possible to represent
motherhood as more than the core of women’s identities. Motherhood could
become a discursive position within labourhierarchies that could be seen
across the lines of racial and class difference. This possibility is something
Mulvey’s work in feminist film theory and feminist experimental cinema, the
subject of Chapter 6, also suggests. Mulvey’s focus on the collaborative dimensions of
and Globalisation ; M. Harper and S. Constantine,
Migration and Empire , Companion Series, Oxford History
of the British Empire (Oxford, 2010). For labour markets,
labourhierarchies and trade unions, see J. Hyslop, ‘The
Imperial Working Class Makes Itself “White”: White
Labourism in Britain, Australia and South Africa before the First
World War’, Journal of
such, ‘The History of a Gentoo Slave’ can profitably be
read as an attempt to recuperate authorship in fiction through a reworking
of the division of labour not unlike that attempted in Claims of Literature.
Like Williams’s manifesto, Instructive Rambles Extended establishes
writing as an analogue for labour in order to argue for the transformative
and socially useful role of literature, before subordinating mechanical
to intellectual work within the strict labourhierarchy the text constructs
in order to assert authorship’s primacy as a morally useful, politically