Chinese finance and the future
of authoritarian capitalism
The jury is very much out on how epiphenomenal the West’s post1800 advantage will be.
Kenneth Pomeranz (2009)
Reevaluating China’s financial development in historical comparative context challenges existing ways of thinking about the
dynamics of global order and China’s place within it. This global
order is in a deep state of flux and uncertainty, yet our posing of
questions surrounding the fate of the liberal world order occlude
the possibility that China is constructing its own version of capitalist
The double movement and the
perspectives of contemporary capitalism
The perspectives of contemporary capitalism
The current financial and economic crisis of industrialised countries, which
started in 2008, has made the interpretation of our societies more difficult.
We are in an uncertain and dynamic phase, characterised by high rates of
growth in some emerging large countries (China, India and Brazil, up to
2015), high levels of economic interdependence and competition on a global
scale, strong de-standardisation trends, increasing social
Anti-capitalism and poststructuralist
Social anarchism has a long reputation as a disparate and incoherent ideology.
Commentators, sympathetic and objective alike, have frequently accused social
anarchism of being too diverse to constitute a singular, recognisable ideology at
all (Chomsky, 1970; Miller, 1984; Ball and Dagger, 1991). To a degree this is true:
social anarchism is a loose and diverse ideology that may be too elusive for some
commentators to categorise neatly and clearly. However, other commentators,
At the heart of the European integration process is the political economy debate over whether the EU should be a market-making project, or if it should combine this with integration in employment and social policy. What has been the impact of the 2004 and 2007 rounds of enlargement upon the political economy of European integration? EU enlargement, the clash of capitalisms and the European social dimension analyses the impact of the 2004 and 2007 enlargements upon the politics of European integration within EU employment and social policy. This book analyses the main policy negotiations in the field and analyses the political positions and contributions of the Central and Eastern European Member States. Through an analyses of the negotiations of the Services Directive, the revision of the Working Time Directive and the Europe 2020 poverty target, the book argues that the addition of the Central and Eastern European states has strengthened liberal forces at the EU level and undermined integration with EU employment and social policy.
maintain that the ‘only way for organizations to succeed in today's interdependent world is [… by …] operating a business that earns a profit while recognizing and supporting the economic and noneconomic needs of a wide range of stakeholders on whom the organization depends’. 5 Such companies reverse the downward capitalistic spiral Partridge describes by embracing what Fry and Nisiewicz deem conscious capitalism.
One can see Costa-Gavras making some of these same appeals in his films over the last quarter-century. Three films in particular, Mad City (1997
Vietnamese anti-colonialism and the
Personalist critique of capitalism and
Personalism: Between capitalism and communism
The stateless conception of communism espoused by the leaders of the
early Republic was partly derived from the philosophy of Personalism,
developed by the French philosopher, Emmanuel Mounier. This philosophy, which is commonly treated in a cursory manner in the historical
scholarship on the war, was widely dismissed by US officials as “muddleheaded” and “vague,”1 a “mish-mash of ideas
I HAVE ALREADY made some quite sweeping claims about the exploitative nature of capitalism and the the extent to which it is bound up with patriarchy and other forms of structural inequality. I have also been critical of the neoliberal ideology that has dominated much economic and political thinking over the last forty years, claiming that this has been used to justify harsh policies that are particularly damaging for the poorest and most vulnerable women, who often exist at the intersection of multiple inequalities and must compete against each other for
Economic democracy instead of more
capitalism: core historical concepts
‘“More capitalism” or “economic democracy” are . . . the signposts at the
crossroads where the Swedes will have to make a choice during the 1980s’,
the Swedish political scientist Walter Korpi wrote in 1983 (Korpi 1983:
3). Today we know only too well where the journey went and not only in
the stronghold of social democracy in the North. Everywhere in Europe the
social democratic left was driven back into defensive positions during the
mean is that the widespread use of drones in the domestic sphere effects a militarisation of that sphere, i.e., that we look at everyday settings with a militaristic and potentially violent gaze. The other side of that relationship is the effect you just mentioned – a domestication of drone technology and a concurrent lack of attention towards its implementation in war.
TvH: Let me add one other aspect. The third issue I was not as aware of at the time and that has become very obvious by now is the massive growth of surveillance capitalism. And the drone is a sort
State, market, and the Party
in Chinese capitalism
Whether a little more plan, or a little more market; this is not the
fundamental difference between socialism and capitalism. The plan
and the market are both economic tools.
Deng Xiaoping (1993)1
The Party is everywhere, in all institutions, and [with] influence
over all people. But the way it works is invisible, like in that
American movie Fight Club. The first rule is that you don’t talk
Beijing investment banker2
Since Deng spoke at the outset of the reform era of the construction of ‘real