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Gottschalk of Orbais and the predestination controversy in the archdiocese of Rheims
Matthew Bryan Gillis

controversy represent a remarkable case of defiance of episcopal authority and an unusual occurrence of heresy in the Carolingian world, both of which exposed Hincmar’s limitations as a defender of doctrine and ecclesiastical discipline in his own archdiocese. A missionary of grace Theological controversy came to the archdiocese of Rheims in 848 when Gottschalk, a priest from the archdiocese and former monk of the abbey of Orbais, returned after a decade of travels through the Carolingian empire, Dalmatia, Bulgaria and

in Hincmar of Rheims
Theo Riches

the formation of national feeling in the embryonic France and Germany, a theme sometimes dealt with under the more neutral guise of the formation of the idea of a transpersonal state. 8 In this debate, 978 is examined for whether it betrays an increasing feeling of separation between the two successor kingdoms of the Carolingian Empire. 9 With exceptions, the consensus seems to be that it does not. 10 The retelling of the

in Frankland
British fiction and the EU
Lisa Bischoff

, 2015 : 16), Charlemagne is dubbed ‘Second Great Unifier of Europe’ (Roberts, 1995 : 116). Until today the king of the Franks serves as an inspiration for European unification (Papiór, 2012 : 45). 5 In the novel, the territory of the EU is said to cover almost exactly the same area as the Carolingian Empire (Roberts, 1995 : 116). Moreover, the treaty that gave birth to the federal union was signed in Aachen, Charlemagne’s permanent seat of residence and imperial administration: ‘The shade of the Second Great Unifier of Europe was doubtless present when the Treaty

in The road to Brexit
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Janet L. Nelson

historians’ interpretations have diverged widely. Some see the period as a catastrophic one, when the Carolingian Empire declined and fell, the western economy re-entered a deep recession, and Christendom reeled under the blows of pagan Viking attacks. Others see this as a period of creativity and growth, when new political communities, a new and dynamic western economy, and a self-conscious Latin

in The Annals of St-Bertin
Kathleen G. Cushing

the ‘patrimonialization of the fief’ or, in other words, the restriction of inheritance through the paternal line to one designated heir. This, he argued, arose as a direct result of the disintegration of the Carolingian empire. 6 By at least the mid-tenth century (if not earlier), many great families of the Carolingian empire had been brought to effective ruin by the combined practices of partible inheritance – that is, dividing inheritances among all the children of a generation (including females in some cases) – and extensive monastic endowments that were

in Reform and papacy in the eleventh century
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Hincmar’s world
Rachel Stone

. It is mainly from Hincmar’s own writings that Flodoard constructed his history of Rheims. Our own view of the Carolingian empire is also greatly shaped by Hincmar’s work. Hincmar was born within a decade of Charlemagne’s acceptance of the imperial title in 800; he died in 882, six years before the death of the last undisputed Carolingian emperor, Charles the Fat. His long life therefore encompassed the greater part of the Frankish empire’s existence. But Hincmar was not just a witness to the Carolingian ninth century. As archbishop of Rheims, he was one of its

in Hincmar of Rheims
Yitzhak Hen

politique de l’Antiquité aux Lumières (Rouen, 2007), 69–86; R. Stone, Morality and Masculinity in the Carolingian Empire (Cambridge, 2012), pp. 36–46. One cannot rule out the possibility that it was prepared with a specific ruler in mind. However, there is no evidence that associates it with either Louis the Pious, or one of his sons. 160 Yitzhak Hen lay on his shoulders as God’s chosen representative.51 This is exactly how Alcuin understood it even before the imperial coronation, when he wrote to Charlemagne: ‘What glory will be yours, most blest king, when all these

in Religious Franks
Hincmar and Lothar I
Elina Screen

. 13 The archdiocese was divided: 14 the bishopric of Cambrai, held by Theoderic, a supporter of Lothar, lay within the Middle Kingdom, while Rheims itself and Hincmar’s other suffragans – some of whom, like Prudentius, had reservations about the new archbishop 15 – were in Charles the Bald’s kingdom. Moreover, Rheims held lands right across the newly divided Carolingian empire, from Aquitaine (largely under Pippin II’s de facto control in 845) to the Wormsgau. Many were in lay hands as a result of royal grants, by Lothar and Charles the Bald among others

in Hincmar of Rheims
Hincmar in the crisis of 875
Clémentine Bernard-Valette

examples of Ambrose and Martin. Like Ambrose, Martin stayed in his city and faced the usurper Maximus. 40 Their examples are supported by two quotations from Augustine to show firstly that communication with a king without being contaminated by his sin is possible, and secondly that it is not his usurpation that is held against him, but the sacrileges of which it is the cause. 41 As the Carolingian Empire was Christian, there was little risk of bishops being prosecuted and led to martyrdom. As a consequence, Martin and Ambrose are more effective examples because they

in Hincmar of Rheims
Priests as neighbours in early medieval local societies
Bernhard Zeller, Charles West, Francesca Tinti, Marco Stoffella, Nicolas Schroeder, Carine van Rhijn, Steffen Patzold, Thomas Kohl, Wendy Davies, and Miriam Czock

others of those monasteries which it has been granted us to rule, we grant him permission to do so. 48 In the course of the ninth century, Theodulf’s instructions were distributed all over the Carolingian Empire, while in the tenth and eleventh centuries the text reached Italy, Spain and England. In many manuscripts copied outside Theodulf’s diocese, the names of the monasteries were adapted or omitted altogether, showing that this invitation was understood and used widely. 49 Of course, not every early medieval priest was in a position to use such episcopal

in Neighbours and strangers