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Defining the boundaries of Carolingian Christianity
Matthew Innes

in Francia 2 (1974), and for the vital familial political context of the first decade of Pippin’s reign, P. Fouracre, The Age of Charles Martel (London, 2000), pp. 155–74. 5 On the underlying social process, see the still-seminal T. Reuter, ‘Plunder and tribute in the Carolingian Empire

in Frankland
Paul Kershaw

the manuscript as a whole include S. Gavinelli, ‘Per un’enciclopedia Carolingia (codex Bernese 363)’, Italia Medioevale e Umanistica 26 (1983), pp. 1–25; J. Contreni, ‘The Irish in the Western Carolingian Empire (According to James F. Kenney and Bern, Bürgerbibliothek 363)’, in H. Löwe (ed.), Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalter

in Frankland
Simon Corcoran

II: Christian Marriage and Political Power in the Carolingian World , trans. T.  M. Guest (Ithaca, 2010), pp.  82–3; A. Firey, A Contrite Heart: Prosecution and Redemption in the Carolingian Empire (Leiden, 2009), pp.  9–60. 97 Trial by ordeal was not usually approved, although sometimes supervised, by the Church at this time: see R. Bartlett, Trial by Fire and Water: the Medieval Judicial Ordeal (Oxford, 1986), especially pp.  70–5 on ninth-century critics; F. McAuley, ‘Canon law and the end of the ordeal’, Oxford Journal of Legal

in Hincmar of Rheims
Jenny Benham

to protect Christians from the consequences of their sinful mortal life after death. Medieval people sought to atone for their sinful acts through confessing their sins and then undertaking penitential acts such as fasting, flagellation or almsgiving. 44 After the break-up of the Carolingian empire in the ninth century, the ritual of penance became integrated into secular society and was no longer

in Peacemaking in the Middle Ages
Kathleen G. Cushing

literate, the glory of Rome and the Roman Empire was a distant literary memory. More immediate and still resonant for the learned men of western Europe around the year 1000 was the overlordship of the great late eighth- and early ninth-century Frankish king and emperor, Charlemagne, whose empire had stretched over much of western Europe. The Carolingian empire had afforded the West a semblance of political stability, not least through its promotion of ecclesiastical reform, its emphasis on Latin as the political and cultural lingua franca , and its advocacy of monastic

in Reform and papacy in the eleventh century
Carolingian local correctio and an unknown priests’ exam from the early ninth century
Carine van Rhijn

for priestly knowledge, we also have the actual books they studied and worked with. Interestingly, it is exactly in these kinds of manuscripts that we find the Dic mihi. 15 Susan Keefe has gathered all Carolingian baptismal expositions and explanations, editing over sixty such texts. See S. Keefe, Water and the Word. Baptism and the Education of the Clergy in the Carolingian Empire, 2 vols, Vol. II (Notre Dame, 2002), passim. Many of these texts, again, survive in manuscripts together with priests’ exams. 16 See, for instance, the first episcopal statute by

in Religious Franks
1 Peter 2.9 and the Franks
Gerda Heydemann

Lord’s anointed’, p. 109. 35 Alcuin, Ep. 134, ed. E. Dümmler, MGH Epp. 4, 1–481, pp. 202–3; more recently edited by S. Keefe, Water and the Word. Baptism and the Education of the Clergy in the Carolingian Empire, 2 vols, Vol. II (Notre Dame, 2002), text 9, pp. 238–45; cf. Keefe, Water and the Word, Vol. I, pp. 80–99 for discussion; O. Phelan, ‘Textual transmission and authorship in the Carolingian period. Primo paganus, baptism, and Alcuin of York’, Revue Bénédictine 118 (2008), 262–88. 33 22 Gerda Heydemann and Walter Pohl invoking kingdom and priesthood even

in Religious Franks
Bart Jaski

834 (he was formally deposed in 835), rather than to his brief return from 840 to 841.1 The archbishop of Reims is 1 For Ebo’s career, see primarily P. McKeon, ‘Archbishop Ebbo of Reims (816–835): a study in the Carolingian empire and the Church’, Church History 43 (1974), 437–47, although it is in some respects outdated. For Ebo’s deposition, see B. Selten, ‘The good, the bad or the unworthy? Accusations, defense and representation in the case The ruler with the sword 73 regarded as the most likely candidate to have commissioned the manuscript, while Louis

in Religious Franks
Regino of Prüm and royal monastic conversion
Erik Goosmann and Rob Meens

Prüm and Adalbert of Magdeburg (Manchester/New York 2009). On the significance of 908, the year in which Louis turned fifteen, see MacLean, History and Politics, p. 18. 2 S. Airlie, ‘ “Sad stories of the death of kings”: narrative patterns and structures of authority in Regino of Prüm’s Chronicle’, in E. Tyler and R. Balzaretti (eds), Narrative and History in the Early Medieval West (Turnhout, 2006), 105–31, p. 126. See also R. Meens, ‘The rise and fall of the Carolingians. Regino of Prüm and his conception of the Carolingian empire’, in L. Jégou, S. Joye, T

in Religious Franks
Kathleen G. Cushing

the ‘patrimonialization of the fief’ or, in other words, the restriction of inheritance through the paternal line to one designated heir. This, he argued, arose as a direct result of the disintegration of the Carolingian empire. 6 By at least the mid-tenth century (if not earlier), many great families of the Carolingian empire had been brought to effective ruin by the combined practices of partible inheritance – that is, dividing inheritances among all the children of a generation (including females in some cases) – and extensive monastic endowments that were

in Reform and papacy in the eleventh century