germane to a discourse of power, something this study has traced forward from the time of Charlemagne.
In his pathbreaking work The Stripping of the Altars , Eamon Duffy was concerned to counter the Protestant narrative of the Reformation, which began with an exhausted and decaying church run by a venal clergy. In Duffy’s view late medieval Catholicism ‘exerted an enormously strong, diverse and vigorous hold over the imagination and the loyalty of the people up to the very moment of the Reformation’. 67 Though his approach has been criticised for being too much an
the confessional spectrum in Wales during
Commonwealth and Protectorate. Itineracy and the gathering of churches,
the essential principles of the propagation act, left a suspect legacy in terms
of legitimacy, as well as in the better-studied field of secular public discourse.
The minister of Presteigne, Radnorshire, was petitioned against in 1655 as
one who ‘came not in at the right door as true shepherd’ by presentation
deed, but by appointment of the ‘late propagators of the gospel’.70 Most of
the ministers to achieve fame or notoriety in 1650s Wales were either
The congregationalist divines and the establishment of church and
magistrate in Cromwellian England
precarious the situation really was. His confidence, so high at the
beginning of the interregnum, seemed to be waning:
If, instead of repairing to the Work of God [in establishing Zion], you should be
found contending against it, and setting up your own wisdom in the place of the
wisdom of God, it would not be to your advantage. I know many things will be
suggested unto you; settling of religion, establishing a discipline in the church, not
to toleration errors, and the like. From which discourses I know what conclusions
some men are apt to draw, if no otherwise, yet from
transformed a prohibition against murder first into an ‘absolute and unconditional prohibition of killing (Heyn 1970 , 201),’ and then into universal prohibition against violence , which he defined as any act of objectification.
From this prohibition, he inferred the moral necessity of ends-means correspondence and the irreducibility of the individual vis-a-vis the group — both of these notions being crucial features of anarchist discourse (Franks 2018 ; Gordon 2018a ).
Sanctity of life as the
The failure of congregational ideas in the Mersey Basin region,
, p. 332.
60 Richardson, Puritanism, p. 187; Conny was appointed in 1636 to the vicarage of
St John’s, Chester, see Ormerod, rev. Helsby, History, I, pt 1, p. 315.
61 For a letter from Ley to Ussher dated August 1619, see Bodleian Library, MS
Rawlinson Letters 89, fos 30r–v; see also John Ley, Defensive doubts, hopes, and
reasons, for refusall of the oath, imposed by the sixth canon of the late synod (1641),
‘A Letter, declaring the occasion of beginning a manner of proceeding for the
penning and publishing of the Discourse ensuing’.
62 John Ley, Defensive
The importance of the covenant in Scottish presbyterianism, 1560–c.
R. Scott Spurlock
important, but the root issue underpinning the discourses
and disputes were fundamentally ecclesiological.1 In this respect, ecclesiology is a necessary starting point for understanding polity and discipline in
the Scottish Kirk, as well as where and why it differed from fellow Reformed
traditions in Britain and its empire. From the Reformation in Scotland the
idea of covenant served an essential function, not just for the development of
a theological tradition but for defining the Church of Scotland as based upon
a covenant between God and the nation. Although this
Two-kingdoms theory, ‘Erastianism’ and the Westminster assembly debate on
church and state, c. 1641–48
incautious use of term ‘Erastian’ has often blurred
the distinction between those who saw ecclesiastical jurisdiction as involving
input from the godly magistrate and those who believed in the state’s outright
control of the church.15 For Prior, the blanket application of the term conceals
Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic
more subtle debates such as how law could best be used to protect religion
rather than simply to dominate it.16
Put another way, the term ‘Erastian’ has all too often be used to guide
early modern discourses about church and state
and especially by scholars of Jewish mysticism going back to Gershom Scholem himself (Huss 2005b, 2007, 2015
). As Boaz Huss has explained, the discourse of authenticity has its roots in the eighteenth-century romantic longing to ‘escape the perils of modernity.’ It depends on a sense of cultural distance that is arguably inseparable from a certain orientalism (Anidjar and Funkenstein 1996 ). Modern and postmodern interpretations of kabbalah, especially when proffered by urbane professionals, bring it all too close
the ‘feudal revolution’ itself is now also out of favour amongst historians, 131 and one reason for the change of mind about the aims of the ‘Peace Movement’ is that a discourse of peace can be found in regions in which there was apparently no ‘feudal revolution’. England and Germany in the tenth and eleventh centuries are the prime examples here. The ‘Peace Movement’ now tends to be seen as another phase of that church reform once urged by the Carolingian rulers. 132 At the same time it is held to reflect a rise in piety and religious devotion in which
The doctrine of ‘religion’ in Islam and the idea of ‘rights’ in the West
Hisham A. Hellyer
by the normative authorities of that tradition, in so far as the author understands them. The aim of this
chapter is two-fold: to show where the philosophical worldviews that inform the
religion of Islam and the rights discourse may be distant from each other, and where
they may be closer than we ordinarily realise. We begin with a few thoughts on what
‘rights’ and ‘religion’ mean in this context.
Worldviews and universalisms: Islam and the West
Where we discuss religion in this essay, we draw from