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From devotion to destruction
Paul Fouracre

germane to a discourse of power, something this study has traced forward from the time of Charlemagne. In his pathbreaking work The Stripping of the Altars , Eamon Duffy was concerned to counter the Protestant narrative of the Reformation, which began with an exhausted and decaying church run by a venal clergy. In Duffy’s view late medieval Catholicism ‘exerted an enormously strong, diverse and vigorous hold over the imagination and the loyalty of the people up to the very moment of the Reformation’. 67 Though his approach has been criticised for being too much an

in Eternal light and earthly concerns
The Welsh experience of church polity, 1640–60
Stephen K. Roberts

the confessional spectrum in Wales during Commonwealth and Protectorate. Itineracy and the gathering of churches, the essential principles of the propagation act, left a suspect legacy in terms of legitimacy, as well as in the better-studied field of secular public discourse. The minister of Presteigne, Radnorshire, was petitioned against in 1655 as one who ‘came not in at the right door as true shepherd’ by presentation deed, but by appointment of the ‘late propagators of the gospel’.70 Most of the ministers to achieve fame or notoriety in 1650s Wales were either

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
The congregationalist divines and the establishment of church and magistrate in Cromwellian England
Hunter Powell

precarious the situation really was. His confidence, so high at the beginning of the interregnum, seemed to be waning: If, instead of repairing to the Work of God [in establishing Zion], you should be found contending against it, and setting up your own wisdom in the place of the wisdom of God, it would not be to your advantage. I know many things will be suggested unto you; settling of religion, establishing a discipline in the church, not to toleration errors, and the like. From which discourses I know what conclusions some men are apt to draw, if no otherwise, yet from

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
Hayyim Rothman

transformed a prohibition against murder first into an ‘absolute and unconditional prohibition of killing (Heyn 1970 , 201),’ and then into universal prohibition against violence , which he defined as any act of objectification. 3 From this prohibition, he inferred the moral necessity of ends-means correspondence and the irreducibility of the individual vis-a-vis the group — both of these notions being crucial features of anarchist discourse (Franks 2018 ; Gordon 2018a ). Sanctity of life as the

in No masters but God
The failure of congregational ideas in the Mersey Basin region, 1636–41
James Mawdesley

, p. 332. 60 Richardson, Puritanism, p. 187; Conny was appointed in 1636 to the vicarage of St John’s, Chester, see Ormerod, rev. Helsby, History, I, pt 1, p. 315. 61 For a letter from Ley to Ussher dated August 1619, see Bodleian Library, MS Rawlinson Letters 89, fos 30r–v; see also John Ley, Defensive doubts, hopes, and reasons, for refusall of the oath, imposed by the sixth canon of the late synod (1641), ‘A Letter, declaring the occasion of beginning a manner of proceeding for the penning and publishing of the Discourse ensuing’. 62 John Ley, Defensive

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
The importance of the covenant in Scottish presbyterianism, 1560–c. 1700
R. Scott Spurlock

important, but the root issue underpinning the discourses and disputes were fundamentally ecclesiological.1 In this respect, ecclesiology is a necessary starting point for understanding polity and discipline in the Scottish Kirk, as well as where and why it differed from fellow Reformed traditions in Britain and its empire. From the Reformation in Scotland the idea of covenant served an essential function, not just for the development of a theological tradition but for defining the Church of Scotland as based upon a covenant between God and the nation. Although this

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
Two-kingdoms theory, ‘Erastianism’ and the Westminster assembly debate on church and state, c. 1641–48
Elliot Vernon

incautious use of term ‘Erastian’ has often blurred the distinction between those who saw ecclesiastical jurisdiction as involving input from the godly magistrate and those who believed in the state’s outright control of the church.15 For Prior, the blanket application of the term conceals 131 Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic more subtle debates such as how law could best be used to protect religion rather than simply to dominate it.16 Put another way, the term ‘Erastian’ has all too often be used to guide early modern discourses about church and state

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
Hayyim Rothman

and especially by scholars of Jewish mysticism going back to Gershom Scholem himself (Huss 2005b, 2007, 2015 ). As Boaz Huss has explained, the discourse of authenticity has its roots in the eighteenth-century romantic longing to ‘escape the perils of modernity.’ It depends on a sense of cultural distance that is arguably inseparable from a certain orientalism (Anidjar and Funkenstein 1996 ). Modern and postmodern interpretations of kabbalah, especially when proffered by urbane professionals, bring it all too close

in No masters but God
Paul Fouracre

the ‘feudal revolution’ itself is now also out of favour amongst historians, 131 and one reason for the change of mind about the aims of the ‘Peace Movement’ is that a discourse of peace can be found in regions in which there was apparently no ‘feudal revolution’. England and Germany in the tenth and eleventh centuries are the prime examples here. The ‘Peace Movement’ now tends to be seen as another phase of that church reform once urged by the Carolingian rulers. 132 At the same time it is held to reflect a rise in piety and religious devotion in which

in Eternal light and earthly concerns
The doctrine of ‘religion’ in Islam and the idea of ‘rights’ in the West
Hisham A. Hellyer

by the normative authorities of that tradition, in so far as the author understands them. The aim of this chapter is two-fold: to show where the philosophical worldviews that inform the religion of Islam and the rights discourse may be distant from each other, and where they may be closer than we ordinarily realise. We begin with a few thoughts on what ‘rights’ and ‘religion’ mean in this context. 9780719082542_C04.qxd 8/9/11 15:51 Page 87 Worldviews and universalisms: Islam and the West 87 Religion Where we discuss religion in this essay, we draw from

in Religion and rights