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Aspects of Gaelic letters
Diarmaid Ó Doibhlin

standard of learning among the Limavady jurors, which, coupled with a similar ‘inquisition’ held at Dungannon about the same time, diffuses English notions of Irish barbarity, lack of civility and the supposed intransigence of the learned classes. 25 Ironically, in view of their key role in Gaelic Irish society, these erenagh families now functioned as the eyes and ears of the colonisers. Even a cursory perusal of the State Papers, The Fiants of James I, the Rev. George Hill’s Plantation of Ulster and T. F. O’Rahilly’s Irish poets, historians and judges in English

in The plantation of Ulster
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Thomas Herron, Denna J. Iammarino, and Maryclaire Moroney

backwardness and British superiority. How else to explain the uncritical use of the scatological third woodcut in Irish schools to teach children about the customs of their forebears? Or the way in which the library of the University of Edinburgh captions its digitized edition, which identifies Rory Og O’More, a Gaelic Irish leader connected to the Earl of Ormond, as ‘a wild kerne’? 9 The library is ventriloquizing Derricke’s own message. These and a host of similar examples might be explained, or explained away, by the

in John Derricke’s The Image of Irelande: with a Discoverie of Woodkarne
Ian Campbell

Ohlmeyer and Steven Ellis have described those categories of civility and barbarism in terms which assimilate them to later, posteighteenth-century, racial theory. So Ohlmeyer argued that English use of those categories, civil and barbarous, constituted an ideology of racial superiority; members of the Scottish and English elites regarded the Gaelic Irish, Highlanders, and Borderers as a lower form of humanity both in mind and in culture.34 Ellis has gone further, choosing to invoke nineteenth- and twentieth-century German racialist and racist ideology: the English

in Renaissance humanism and ethnicity before race
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Gaelic poetry and English books
Mícheál MacCraith

8 Omnia vincit amor: Gaelic poetry and English books Mícheál Mac Craith Gaelic Ireland is somewhat under-represented in studies of the Renaissance. While two recent volumes of essays, edited by Thomas Herron and Michael Potterton in 2007 and 2011, for example, clearly disprove the commonly held view that Ireland was untouched by the Renaissance, the editors would be the first to admit weaknesses in coverage.1 Each volume, in fact, contains only four chapters on the Gaelic world. Emmet O’ Byrne’s contribution describing the efforts of the Tudor state to tighten

in Dublin
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Union and separation
David Edwards

complicated narrative some historians risk failing to do justice to the intricacy and diversity of Scottish involvement in early Stuart Ireland. The everyday stresses and strains, the attraction and repulsion that the Scots experienced in their relations with the New English, the Gaelic Irish, and the Old English have been too often left unexplored. Given that Ireland was the most multi-ethnic of the Stuart’s three kingdoms, and where the monarchy tried hardest to create a new ‘British’ political order based on closer AngloScottish union, the fact that significant numbers

in The Scots in early Stuart Ireland
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Coleman A. Dennehy

division that England did not have. A substantial part of the island at the beginning of the seventeenth century held no affinity whatsoever for the outgoing Tudor monarchy or its Stuart successor. Militarily defeated, the Gaelic Irish were subsumed into the new triple monarchy. In theory, exposure to English law, language, and civility should have made them into ‘little Englanders’ within a few generations at most, but a colonial elite needed to emphasise the differences that made them civil and the natives barbarous, and so the process of cultural and political

in The Irish Parliament, 1613–89
The role of Dublin in James Yonge’s Memoriale (1412)
Theresa O’Byrne

Yeftis yewyth to Rymoris othyr any Suche losyngeris, for thay Praysith hare yeueris be thay neuer So vicious. Who-so ham any good yewyth brekyth the statutis of kylkeny, and he is acursid by a xi bisschopis, as the same Statutes makyth mencion.5 While Yonge does not directly name native Irish poets, his reference to the Statutes of Kilkenny makes the association clear. The Statutes of Kilkenny sought, among other things, to shore up Anglo-Irish culture against the threat of acculturation and to regulate Anglo-Irish commerce and communication with the Gaelic-Irish

in Dublin
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Oliver P. Rafferty

’ within the Pale and those outside it? II Without doubt the Reformation in England, evolving as it did hand in hand with Tudor state-building, had profound consequences for Irish identity. But why did the Reformation not progress as systematically Introduction 5 in Ireland as in its sister island? Was it in fact because the Gaelic Irish manipulated the new distinction in religion as a means of emphasising linguistic and cultural differences and took the opportunity to use religious differences as an ideologically more powerful tool for distinctive identity aimed at

in Irish Catholic identities
William J. Smyth

/killings of the Gaelic Irish, the reporting of ‘rebel’ talk, the desecration of church properties, the intimidation of Protestant settlers to go to Mass, as well as accounts of stripping and other acts of cruelty, burning and pillaging. This anchor map also includes the distribution of Protestant/ planter land as returned in Petty’s Down Survey maps of the 1650s. There are three outstanding regions of devastation and settler disruption and displacement. The core of the Munster province – with foci around the cities of Cork, Limerick and Waterford – reveals a major region of

in Ireland, 1641
1641 and the Iberian Atlantic
Igor Pérez Tostado

’ and English administrators’ perspective, such as Matthew de Renzy or Edmund Spenser, a comparison with the Moriscos had been used to advocate the material dispossession and cultural absorption of the Gaelic Irish or ‘white moores’, as they were referred to by Chichester.35 The parallelisms made by the New English between the Gaelic Irish and the Spanish Moriscos have allowed to perfect the understanding of the mindset of the colonisers. Ciaran O’Scea has analysed the way in which the Spanish administration treated the expulsion of the Moriscos and the reception of

in Ireland, 1641