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Brice Dickson

specified matters such as agriculture, education, housing and highways. In 2002 the Assembly resolved to allow the Cabinet to function as a separate body – the Welsh government. Following recommendations made by the Richard Commission, the Government of Wales Act 2006 clarified the roles of the two sources of power, bringing them closer to the model used in Scotland. In a referendum held in Wales in 2011 the people agreed to grant law-making powers to their Assembly on matters devolved by Westminster and after a

in Writing the United Kingdom Constitution
Abstract only
Philip Norton

1970s (Norton 1982 : 29, 123–4). The case for such a chamber is that the representation of citizens by MPs in the House of Commons would be balanced by the representation of organised interests in the second chamber. This, it is argued, would enhance support for the political system through giving those interests a voice in the law-making process. Another proposal, advanced by Tony Benn (Anthony Wedgwood Benn as he was then known) in 1957, was for the Privy Council to replace the House of Lords as the second chamber (Benn 1957 ). Our focus here, however, is

in Reform of the House of Lords
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

early sixteenth century. The Reformation instigated a century of religious wars between Catholics and Protestant powers. By the end of the century the modern state had been established in Western Europe: a centralised power with exclusive law-making and law-enforcing authority over a territory. Conventionally, however, the modern state and state system is dated from the Treaty of Westphalia, which ended both the Thirty Years

in Understanding political ideas and movements
How social subsystems externalise their foundational paradoxes in the process of constitutionalisation
Gunther Teubner

Apologist observers such as Josef Esser counter by maintaining that judicial law-making is more rational than its legislative counterpart. 4 Neither interpretation is satisfactory. Secondly, it has recently been possible to observe a striking return of natural law. While philosophers, historians and legal theorists have been diagnosing the demise of natural law, jurisprudence

in Critical theory and legal autopoiesis
Alan Convery

2004 as ‘grotesque’ (Wyn Jones and Scully, 2012: 43). His report recommended: that the Welsh Assembly should explicitly institute a parliamentary model of operation with a clear split between the executive and the rest of the chamber; that the Welsh Assembly should have primary law-making powers over the areas where it already had responsibility; and that the number of Assembly Members (AMs) should be increased to 80 and elected using the Single Transferable Vote System (STV; Richard Commission, 2004). The report went further in its recommendations than many

in The territorial Conservative Party
Alistair Cole

WALES AND BRITTANY 135 For the Welsh case, four different dependent variables were extrapolated from the institutional scale, and coded as follows: 1 ‘independent Wales’, 0 ‘others’ (“independence” column in table); 1 ‘elected assembly with law-making and taxation powers’, 0 ‘others (“Assembly with extended competences” column); 1 ‘elected assembly with limited law making and taxation powers’, 0 ‘others’ (“Assembly with limited competences” column); 1 ‘no elected assembly’, 0 ‘others’ (“No elected Assembly” column). Independent variables used included the classic

in Beyond devolution and decentralisation
An interview with David Byrne
Graham Spencer

law-making, I believe that it probably created a psychological framework that would have been of assistance. I also know there were senior officials in the EU Commission who were hugely influential in ensuring there was funding available to help Northern Ireland. So being a member of the EU is important in terms of cultivating inclusivity? I have no doubt about that

in Inside Accounts, Volume II
Arthur B. Gunlicks

system of proportional representation with a minimum of 5 percent of the total vote required in order to obtain seats in parliament. This strongly favors political parties, chap 4 27/5/03 148 11:54 am Page 148 The Länder and German federalism which are mentioned explicitly in Article 21 of the Basic Law and in some Land constitutions. Parliamentary law making While Land parliaments are responsible for law making, the extent of their legislative powers depends largely on the powers granted to them by the federal Basic Law. At first glance, these powers appear to

in The Länder and German federalism
Abstract only
Philip Norton

’ ( House of Commons Debates , 3 February 1969, col. 90). In 2012 Tony Benn argued the case for a national advisory committee – comprising ‘a representative gathering of people from different parts of our society’ – to look at legislation and make recommendations to the Commons. ‘To do this would be to abolish the House of Lords altogether and start afresh in a way that was useful and constructive’ (Benn 2012 ). There is also a legal problem in that Parliament constitutes for law-making purposes the Queen-in-Parliament, and Parliament comprises the House of Commons and

in Reform of the House of Lords
Brice Dickson

advocates for such a move. In Dr Bonham’s Case ( 1610 ) he ruled that the College of Physicians Act 1553 was invalid because it granted the College of Physicians a power to imprison doctors whom it had found to be practising medicine without a licence. Only the courts, said Coke, should have the power to imprison people. In later years, however, this approach to judicial law-making went out of fashion. After a civil war and the later Glorious Revolution it was clear by 1688 that the will of Parliament had to

in Writing the United Kingdom Constitution