Search results

The making and unmaking of an early medieval relic
Julia M. H. Smith

. de Jong, ‘The empire as ecclesia: Hrabanus Maurus and biblical historia for rulers’, in Y. Hen and M. Innes (eds), The Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages (Cambridge, 2000), 191–226; M. de Jong, ‘Exegesis for an empress’, in E. Cohen and M. de Jong (eds), Medieval Transformations: Texts, Power, and Gifts in Context (Leiden, 2001), 69–100; M.  de Jong, The Penitential State:  Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis the Pious, 814–840 (Cambridge, 2009); M.  de Jong, ‘Sacrum palatium et 1 438 Julia M. H. Smith between textual and material forms of historical

in Religious Franks
Brigitte Kasten

. Louis the Pious, probably soon after 819, issued a capitulary prescribing a new rule: ‘if a man wished to marry a widow, this should not happen according to the terms of Lex Salica , but with the consent and will of the kinsfolk, as their ancestors have done up to this day’. 37 Thus the old ring-money was finally done away with, and the widow’s remarriage placed firmly within the control of the families concerned, regardless of whether or not there were children by her first marriage. All the early barbarian codes had retained Roman law’s emphasis on public aspects

in Law, laity and solidarities
From self-representation to episcopal model. The case of the eloquent bishops Ambrose of Milan and Gregory the Great
Giorgia Vocino

18 Bishops in the mirror: from self-representation to episcopal model. The case of the eloquent bishops Ambrose of Milan and Gregory the Great Giorgia Vocino Around the year 877, the priest Andrew of Bergamo was busy abbreviating and updating his version of Paul the Deacon’s Historia Langobardorum. When dealing with the rebellion of the three elder sons of Emperor Louis the Pious (814–40) in 833, Andrew recalled how Lothar I tried to make excuses for himself by shifting the blame onto Angilbert II (824–59), the Frankish archbishop of Milan. Brought into the

in Religious Franks
Sylvie Joye

videbit Dominum’. 14 Ibid ., col. 1020, c.  5. We see here a political vocabulary shared amongst Carolingian authors, particularly during the crisis of Louis the Pious and its aftershocks: W.  Wehlen, Geschichtsschreibung und Staatsauffasung im Zeitalter Ludwigs des Frommen (Lübeck, 1970); S.  Patzold, ‘ Consensus – Concordia – Unitas . Überlegungen zu einem politisch-religiösen Ideal der Karolingerzeit’, in N.  Staubach, ed., Exemplaris imago: Ideale in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit (Frankfurt am Main, 2012), pp.  31

in Hincmar of Rheims
Hincmar and Lothar I
Elina Screen

career at court in 822, serving first Hilduin of St-Denis and then Louis the Pious. 23 Hincmar thus knew all the key figures at Louis the Pious’s court, who formed the first post-Verdun generation of lay and clerical magnates. These useful connections and Hincmar’s loyalty help explain why Charles selected Hincmar for the important – but politically very tricky – see of Rheims in 845. Hincmar’s residence at Louis the Pious’s court meant that he would also have known Lothar, either directly or indirectly, though his staunch partisanship of Louis and Charles the Bald

in Hincmar of Rheims
Maximilian Diesenberger

a crucial role all over the Frankish empire shortly afterwards. M. de Jong, The Penitential State. Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis the Pious, 814–840 (Cambridge, 2009), p. 113. I would like to thank Francesco Borri, Andreas Fischer, Marios Costambeys, Giorgia Vocino and Graeme Ward for comments on the text. All errors that remain are of course my own. 2 Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum VI, c. 40, ed. L. Bethmann and G. Waitz, MGH Scriptores rerum Langobardicarum et Italicarum saec. VI–IX, 12–219, p. 179. 1 The sermon De cupiditate by

in Religious Franks
The Franks between theory and practice
Alice Rio

new impulse in the production of both manuscripts and new collections during the reigns of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious. 20 This does not mean that these collections were produced as a result of royal initiative: on the whole, collections compiled in the context of the imperial chancery, such as the Formulae Imperiales in Paris BnF lat. 2718, do not appear to have been particularly more

in Frankland
Abstract only
Gottschalk of Orbais and the predestination controversy in the archdiocese of Rheims
Matthew Bryan Gillis

rulers, bishops and the nobility to be certain who held legitimate authority to rule and correct, as one crisis followed another: rebellions against Louis the Pious by his sons and their supporters; Louis’s dethronement, atonement and dramatic recovery of power; 9 and then Louis’s death followed by civil war and the division of the empire. 10 In this atmosphere of existential uncertainty, Gottschalk’s teachings offered a clear message of what was expected of every believer: true humility for one’s utter sinfulness and belief in the absolute need for grace. Gottschalk

in Hincmar of Rheims
Abstract only
Rachel Stone and Charles West

Franks. 7 This son, Louis the Pious, eliminated a potential rival, his nephew Bernard, with a ruthlessness belying his epithet. 8 But Louis the Pious was more, or perhaps less, fortunate than Charlemagne in the survival of his own children: from his first marriage, three sons (Lothar I, Pippin I and Louis the German) survived into adulthood. Louis conferred the imperial title

in The divorce of King Lothar and Queen Theutberga
1 Peter 2.9 and the Franks
Gerda Heydemann

Louis the Pious.46 Only after the double ritual of penance and baptism can Clovis return to the exercise of power. The concept of election behind the passage therefore does not mean that the Franks were ‘the’ true Israel, the one chosen people among the many gentes of the period. They had become a gens sancta by their conversion. The cumulative act of baptism was a special display of God’s grace. The circumstances also mattered, involving divine intervention by granting victory to the gens Francorum and its king, and featuring two holy men who had guaranteed that

in Religious Franks