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Simon Corcoran

Sirmondians 1–18 was at Lyons in the ninth century, where it was corrected by Florus himself. As part of the dispute between Louis the Pious and Bishop Agobard over the forced conversion of the slaves and children of the Jews of Lyons in the 820s, Florus compiled a set of authorities, 53 whose only Roman legal content comprised extracts from five of these Sirmondians (nos. 1, 3, 6, 11, 15) plus a sixth text (known as Sirmondian 20), possibly once present in this manuscript, but certainly known from another probable Lyons manuscript. 54 These same authorities, with the

in Hincmar of Rheims
Abstract only
Religion and power in the Frankish Kingdoms: studies in honour of Mayke de Jong

This book, written in honour of Mayke De Jong, offers twenty-five essays focused upon the importance of religion to Frankish politics. It deals with religious discourse and political polemic in studies that take up the themes of identity, and the creative deployment of the language of the Old Testament within Frankish society. The book explores how the use of ethnic rhetoric in a Christian context shaped medieval perceptions of community. It shows that the Carolingian way of dealing with the Adoptionist challenge was to allow a conversation between the Spanish bishops and their Frankish opponents to take place. Charlemagne's role in the Vita Alcuini as a guardian of orthodoxy who sought to settle a controversy by organising and supervising a theological debate was striking. The book also discusses the admonition of an abbot of Frankish origin who came from southern France and made his monastic career in southern Italy. It showcases three letter manuscripts that share certain features but are different in other aspects. The first manuscript is a collection of the Moral Letters from Seneca to his pupil Lucilius , Paris , BnF, lat. 8658A. The book demonstrates that the lists of amici, viventes et defuncti reflected how the royal monastery was interacting with ruling elites, at different levels, and how such interactions were an essential part of its identity. It also examines the context of Monte Cassino's fading into the background, in the conviction that both political and religious concerns were at play.

Kriston R. Rennie

ability of the popes to claim a real leadership over all of Christendom’. 57 This monastery’s success in achieving genuine and forged privileges meant that they ‘ultimately played a role in creating in earnest the kind of centralized papal authority that they were trying to assert’. 58 Even though they had previously received secular privileges from Chilperic, Charlemagne, Louis the Pious, Lothar, and Charles the Bald, 59 the monks of Montier-en-Der ‘became convinced that popes, not the secular advocates to whom they had earlier turned, and

in Freedom and protection
Kriston R. Rennie

-Denis’. 118 This pattern of monastic exemption becomes more apparent under Louis the Pious (814–40), whose dedication to Benedictine reform effectively conferred royal protection and grants of immunity to monasteries throughout the Frankish Empire. 119 When Charles the Bald granted privileges to Flavigny in 849, moreover, he stated very clearly that the monastery’s dominium no longer belonged to the diocesan bishop. Rather, it was emphatically placed under the king’s protection ( tuitio ), immunity ( immunitas ), and defence ( defensio ). 120

in Freedom and protection
Abstract only
Kriston R. Rennie

), exemptions provided an immediate and potentially powerful solution for the monks. Seeking stronger legal backing for his own monastery, Abbo sought to reconfirm Fleury’s exemption privileges, first issued at Rome under popes John VIII in 878 and Leo VII in 938. 25 The abbot set about acquiring these from Rome methodically, ‘step by step’. 26 Whereas the former document confirmed privileges granted to the monastery under emperors Charlemagne and Louis the Pious, the latter grant provided freedom from local rule, freedom of abbatial election, and an inalienable right over

in Freedom and protection
Bernhard Zeller, Charles West, Francesca Tinti, Marco Stoffella, Nicolas Schroeder, Carine van Rhijn, Steffen Patzold, Thomas Kohl, Wendy Davies, and Miriam Czock

( inferiorem servicium ) in the time of Louis the Pious. They did so and the claimants lost their case. Several ninth-century placita reveal that some Italian monasteries also tried to transform their landholdings into ‘coercive power over men [and women]’, following quite similar strategies. 75 In northern Iberia, decline in status through the extension of lordship seems much less frequent before the year 1000 than later and than in the previously discussed regions. 76 With the exception of some royal estates and those of very powerful monasteries such as Celanova

in Neighbours and strangers
Priests as neighbours in early medieval local societies
Bernhard Zeller, Charles West, Francesca Tinti, Marco Stoffella, Nicolas Schroeder, Carine van Rhijn, Steffen Patzold, Thomas Kohl, Wendy Davies, and Miriam Czock

nasty. For instance, an unnamed priest mentioned in a letter of 852/3 from Pope Leo IV to the bishops of Senlis and Beauvais, was forcefully removed from his church by another priest, upon which his relatives took revenge by blinding the perpetrator. 59 Another scandal, recorded in a letter that the victim wrote to Emperor Louis the Pious, features the priest Atto, who read Mass for the cleric Frothwin in exchange for part of the tithes; but when Atto asked for his money, Frothwin and his relatives turned up in the middle of the night to beat him up. 60 Such violent

in Neighbours and strangers
King Athelstan’s sisters and Frankish queenship
Simon MacLean

’s daughter Judith who married Æthelwulf king of Wessex in 856. 13 However, this was a highly unusual case. In the case of royal sons in the ninth century there were to be no exceptions. This was spelled out explicitly in the Ordinatio Imperii of 817 which stated that, unlike their aristocratic followers, none of Louis the Pious’s heirs ‘should presume to take a wife of foreign nationality

in Frankland
Theo Riches

expansion’, in P. Godman and R. Collins (eds), Charlemagne’s Heir: New Perspectives on the Reign of Louis the Pious (Oxford, 1990), pp. 391–405. 2 J. L. Nelson, ‘Aachen as a place of power’, in M. de Jong, F. Theuws and C. van Rhijn (eds), Topographies of Power in the Early Middle Ages (Leiden

in Frankland
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The impact of political climate and historiographical tradition on writing their ninth-century history
Wendy Davies

long (though not unbroken) succession of Breton kings. For d’Argentré, Nominoë was the man who recovered Breton liberty from the Emperor Louis’s ‘oppression’; he was the ultimate warrior hero, ‘bruslant et ruinant le pays’, paying back the French for everything Charlemagne and Louis the Pious had done to Brittany, and chasing them far to the east of the March, incorporating

in Frankland