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Dimitris Tsarouhas

employment constituted the main campaign issue was unable to avert defeat, handing over power to a resurgent centre-right coalition, the ‘Alliance for Sweden’. The new government was soon marred by controversy, and the initial honeymoon usually afforded by voters to incumbent governments vanished. The government’s main problem has been its welfare reform programme, not least its changes in the unemployment insurance scheme. Adopting a workfare approach to welfare and claiming to defend the welfare state, the government maintains that its reforms merely aim at making

in In search of social democracy
Edward Ashbee

reform, the Clinton administration embraced the cause of the balanced budget and then in 1996 the president signed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act that dramatically restricted and restructured welfare provision. The Act was based around time limits on assistance whereby benefits were withdrawn after two years and a lifetime limit of five years was imposed on benefits funded by the federal government. Many states introduced workfare provisions so that those receiving assistance had either to work or to undertake prescribed training programmes

in The Right and the recession
Self-policing as ethical development in North Manchester
Katherine Smith

University Press. 204 ‘Don’t call the police on me…’ — 2010. “Crafting the neoliberal state: workfare, prisonfare, and social insecurity”. Sociological Forum Vol. 25, pp. 197–220. Oxford: Blackwell. Williams, Bernard. 1993. Shame and Necessity. Berkeley: University of California Press. Zigon, Jarrett. 2007. “Moral breakdown and the ethical demand a theoretical framework for an anthropology of moralities”. Anthropological Theory 7 (2): 131–150.

in Realising the city
Abstract only
Pauper policies
Samantha A. Shave

: The Politics of Inquiry, Enactment, and Implementation, 1832–​1839 (London, 1978), p. 15. 29 W. Apfel and P. Dunkley, ‘English rural society and the New Poor Law: Bedfordshire, 1834–​47’, Social History, 10 (1985), 37–​68; B. Harris, ‘Charity and poor relief in England and Wales, circa 1750–​1914’, in B. Harris and P. Bridgen (eds.), Charity and Mutual Aid in Europe and North America since 1800 (London, 2007), pp. 20–​3. 30 Hammond and Hammond, The Village Labourer. 31 A. Digby, British Welfare Policy: Workhouse to Workfare (London, 1989), p. 31; D. Englander, Poverty

in Pauper policies
Nicola Negri and Chiara Saraceno

diritti e coesione sociale. Rassegna Italiana di Sociologia, 3: 499–526. Bagnasco, A. (2012). Taccuino sociologico. Rome/Bari: Laterza. Barbera, F., Dagnes, J., Salento, A., and Spina, F. (2016). Il capitale quotidiano: Un manifesto per l’economia fondamentale. Rome: Donzelli. Barbier, J.-C. (2003). La logica del workfare in Europa e negli Stati Uniti: i limiti delle analisi globali. Assistenza Sociale, 3–4: 209–35. Bettio, F., Simonazzi, A., and Villa, P. (2006). Change in care regimes and female migration: the ‘care drain’ in the Mediterranean. Journal of European

in Western capitalism in transition
Abstract only
The Irish National Organisation of the Unemployed
Joe Larragy

disillusioned. (TM) The early 1990s were a time for capacity-­building by the INOU during which they developed innovative policies as an alternative to the punitive measures that were propagated in the 1980s. Ongoing contact with individual government departments laid the basis for increased trust between The Irish National Organisation of the Unemployed 105 government officials and the INOU. This was important against the background of ‘Workfare’ in the US under the Reagan/Bush administrations up to 1992, and in light of the British experience under Thatcher. The INOU

in Asymmetric engagement
Jenny Andersson

of dealing with the worst effects of capitalism on the social sphere, but was designed as an institutionally redistributive strategy for decommodification and equality. In line with this argument, productivism is not workfare, in the sense of social rights being conditional upon productive participation, but rather it is a stress on the productive potential of individuals. 26 There is a significant difference between the

in Between growth and security
Kevin Ryan

the unintended effect of increasing the numbers of the poor in need of public assistance, thereby also perpetuating problems such as ‘illegitimate births’ and crime. Mead’s argument was subtler – and arguably more influential in terms of the direction welfare reform was to take, from Reagan through to Clinton – in presenting a psychosocial theory of dependency to argue for the introduction of mandatory workfare programmes. In some respects prefiguring the libertarian paternalism of neuroliberalism, Mead’s approach was essentially to infantilise the underclass in

in Refiguring childhood
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

there has always been some expectation that benefit claimants will work, hence the principle of social insurance. The distinction has become popular to disguise the fact that what is now called active welfare is little more than a synonym for workfare policies that often coerce and punish the victim. Economic efficacy is now supposedly gained by reforming the worker rather than reforming the market. The idea that the Old Left ignored the importance of duties is another caricature (Deacon, 2000: 15). In fact, the NSD merely updates the principle of ‘less eligibility

in After the new social democracy
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

substantial continuities between the nineteenth-century minimalist state and the post-Victorian ‘penal–welfare’ state. He underlines the extent to which eugenics inspired the modern system of social security, so that the latter is the institutional embodiment of the genetic endowments we are assumed to possess. According to this interpretation, social policy prods the genetically unfit into labour colonies, workfare and social assistance schemes (King, 1999) and designs labour exchanges and social insurance systems for the genetically fit. Taken individually, none of the

in After the new social democracy