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Heloise Brown

Britain as a conflict with a white, Christian and quasi-European population. The war was one-sided, although the Afrikaners’ initial numerical superiority, combined with their familiarity with the geography and climate, meant that it was a long drawn-out conflict that concluded with a protracted period of guerrilla warfare. It was the tactics utilised in the final stages of the war, from December 1900, that received the greatest criticism from the British anti-war movement. Kitchener’s policies of farm-burning and internment of Afrikaner women and children in

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
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Nadia Kiwan

London during the summer of 2006, these individuals often argued that their main or initial motivation for getting involved in politics was their selfperception as ‘Muslim’ and their identification with Muslims around the world. In this sense, it is the foreign policy of the New Labour government with regard to Iraq and Afghanistan which is cited as the key instigating factor in their decision to engage in the public sphere: I was involved with Respect through the anti-war movement initially and that was initially Afghanistan. I remember my first Stop the War march

in Identities, discourses and experiences
Ben Cohen and Eve Garrard

A critical openness. Drawing the lesson of the disastrous history of left apologetics over the crimes of Stalinism and Maoism, as well as more recent exercises in the same vein (some of the reaction to the crimes of 9/11, the excuse-making for suicide-terrorism, the disgraceful alliances lately set up inside the ‘anti-warmovement with illiberal theocrats), we reject the notion that there are no opponents on the Left. We reject, similarly, the idea that there can be no opening to ideas and individuals to our right. Leftists who make common cause with, or

in The Norman Geras Reader
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James McDermott

Community of Resistance: The Anti-War Movement in Huddersfield, 1914–1918’; Slocombe, ‘Recruitment into the Armed Forces during the First World War: The Work of the Military Service Tribunals in Wiltshire, 1915–1918’; Spinks, ‘“The War Courts”: the Stratford-upon-Avon Borough Tribunal 1916–1918’; Gregory, ‘Military Service Tribunals: Civil Society in Action, 1916–1918’; Housden, ‘Kingston’s Military Tribunal, 1916–1918’. Memoirs: Armitage, Leicester 1914–1918: The War-time Story of a Midlands Town; Cartmell, For Remembrance; Scott, Leeds and the Great War. The only modern

in British Military Service Tribunals, 1916–1918
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American horror comics as Cold War commentary and critique

Printing Terror places horror comics of the mid-twentieth century in dialogue with the anxieties of their age. It rejects the narrative of horror comics as inherently and necessarily subversive and explores, instead, the ways in which these texts manifest white male fears over America’s changing sociological landscape. It examines two eras: the pre-CCA period of the 1940s and 1950s, and the post-CCA era to 1975. The authors examine each of these periods through the lenses of war, gender, and race, demonstrating that horror comics are centred upon white male victimhood and the monstrosity of the gendered and/or racialised other. It is of interest to scholars of horror, comics studies, and American history. It is suitably accessible to be used in undergraduate classes.

A critical space for social movements in Ireland
Margaret Gillan and Laurence Cox

video production. 13 Along with its own films, such as Berlusconi’s Mousetrap and Route Irish (Indymedia Ireland, n.d.) (documenting the anti-war movement), particular mention should go to the productive Revolt Video Collective ( 2013 ), which has produced a wide range of short films on key campaigns and issues. The bigger picture In the 2000s, the Internet, and Indymedia, had become crucial to many movements as a tool to mobilise resistance, highlight success, publicise issues and scandals, and generate critical perspectives. Nonetheless, access

in Defining events
Greta Fowler Snyder

as part of a global resistance. For instance, participants in the United States said that ‘the global [anti-war] movement was a source of inspiration for those of us who spoke out. We gained confidence and strength in knowing that we were standing with the vast majority of the world's people’ (Gillan and Pickerill 2008 ). Global protest events enable what Gillan and Pickerill call ‘imagined solidarity’ in

in Recognition and Global Politics
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Matthew S. Adams and Ruth Kinna

, civil rights and personal liberation emerged and was crystallised during the First World War, when anarchism was apparently obsolete. While Ferguson and Antliff show how the anti-war movement drew attention to the gendered character of state oppression and provided a platform for artists to aestheticise violence in ways that emphasised anarchism’s 16 Anarchism, 1914–18 creative energy, Adams examines how the memory of the war was felt in new drives towards social activism and change. These changes in anarchist politics resonated across radical movements. C

in Anarchism, 1914–18
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Ashley Lavelle

Democratic presidential aspirant Robert Kennedy to mull over issues such as racism and poverty, Hayden apparently came away satisfied with Kennedy’s ideas for uniting the anti-war movement, blacks, and the working class to secure the presidency (Jezer, 1992: 137). It was after meetings with Kennedy that Hayden had advocated in 1967 the cessation of bombing rather than complete American withdrawal (Newfield, 107-166 PoliticsBetrayal Part 3.indd 143 05/02/2013 14:08 144 Flawed radicals cited in Miller, 1987: 287). Hayden was a close friend of the Kennedy family, a

in The politics of betrayal
David Starr Jordan, eugenics and the Anglo-American anti-war movement
Gavin Baird and Bradley W. Hart

12 The Stanford connection: David Starr Jordan, eugenics and the Anglo-American anti-war movement Gavin Baird and Bradley W. Hart As Europe descended into the abyss of war in the late summer of 1914, one of the world’s best-known peace advocates was visiting the genteel surroundings of Cambridge University. Shocked by the rapid escalation of violence and realising that his life’s mission of preventing young men from being sent to die on the battlefield had failed, this high-profile academic bemoaned that the mere ‘incident’ of Franz Ferdinand’s assassination

in Labour, British radicalism and the First World War