In 1962, Congo was catapulted into the international consciousness as the scene of conflict and confusion when a civil and constitutional crisis erupted just a week after the independence ceremony. The breakdown of law and order began when the Congolese army, the Force Publique, mutinied against their Belgian officers, leading to violence and chaos in the capital Leopoldville. This book reinterprets the role of the United Nations (UN) Organization in this conflict by presenting a multidimensional view of how the UN operated in response to the crisis. The United States (US) and Britain were directly involved with formulating UN Congo policy, through an examination of the Anglo-American relationship. The book analyses how the crisis became positioned as a lightning rod in the interaction of decolonisation with the Cold War, and wider relations between North and South. It establishes why, in 1960, the outbreak of the Congo crisis and its successive internationalisation through UN intervention was an important question for Anglo-American relations. The book highlights the changing nature of the UN from 1960 to 1961. It focuses on the emergence of a new US policy in New York. Discussing the role of United Nations activities in the Congo (Operation des Nations Unies au Congo), it explains why military incursions into Katanga in September, and again in December of 1961, proved damaging to the Anglo-American relationship. The invigoration of the Secretariat, demands of the Afro-Asian bloc, Operation UNOKAT, and efforts to construct a Western friendly regime in the Congo are also discussed.
The League of Nations, public
opinion and the New Diplomacy
The Democratic Spirit may be relied upon if the democratic mind is sufficiently
informed. (Lord Robert Cecil, 1920)1
In short, the Union believes that the problem of maintaining world peace is
mainly a problem of education. (Report on the Work of the LNU, 1921)2
In the official history rushed out by the LNU in summer 1935, its author
justified the Peace Ballot as a unique exercise which had, for the first time,
made knowable the will of the people on vital questions of foreign policy. ‘If
Establishing and navigating the rules of the
road in Arctic diplomacy
During its 2003–2005 chairmanship of the Arctic Council, Russia –the
‘largest’ Arctic state –suggested that Arctic cooperation should focus
more on the city level. The idea never really garnered any support.
This is understandable, on the one hand, in that the idea suited poorly
the ‘many Arctics’ represented by the other countries, most of which
include settlements and towns, but very few cities compared to the relatively urbanised Russian Arctic (Orttung, 2017). The urban Arctic also
Complementing, and often conflicting with, multilateral human rights and humanitarian diplomacy is IGO diplomacy . Officials from IGOs also engage in diplomatic activities designed to: galvanize international attention; educate, mobilize, and pressure states; provide expertise; and coordinate the human rights and humanitarian activities of states, NGOs, and other IGOs. IGO diplomacy focuses on the international civil service that consists of agencies and their employees who are, for the most part, independent of states. This means that officials are
As both candidate and throughout his first two years as president to early 2019, Donald Trump employed unilateral actions and flamboyant posturing in upending the strong commitment to positive diplomacy and political engagement of regional governments and organisations of the previous administrations of Barack Obama. Two years into his presidential term, Trump remained avowedly unpredictable as he junked related policy transparency, carefully measured responses, and avoidance of dramatic action, linkage or spill-over among competing interests
The ethics of friendship in early
Surprising as it may sound, Humanist discourse in early modern Europe operated
with a range of linguistic conventions that signalled the existence of a concept
of friendship that was not only distinct from but also often entirely excluded the
possibility of the contractual concept discussed in the previous chapter, despite
sharing its key terms – ‘friendship’ and ‘amity’. The conventions that determined
its distinct conceptual identity stemmed from the realm of ethics and morality,
which many believe to be
This book complements extant histories of diplomacy by discussing change in the form of tipping-points, understood as the culmination of long-term trends. The first part of the book discusses social evolution on the general level of institutions. The diplomatic institution has undergone four tipping-points: between culturally similar small-scale polities, between culturally different large-scale polities, permanent bilateral diplomacy, and permanent multilateral diplomacy. The consular institution has seen three: the emergence of the consul as the judge of a trading colony, the judge as a representative of the state, and the imbrication of the consular institution in unitary foreign services. The second part challenges extant literature’s treatment of diplomacy as a textual affair and an elite concern. It lays down the groundwork for the study of visual diplomacy by establishing diplomacy’s visual genres, discussing how diplomats spread images to wider audiences and drawing up a taxonomy of three visual strategies used for this purpose: a hegemonic and Western strategy, a national strategy, and a strategy that is spiteful of Western hegemony. Two case studies discuss the evolving place of the visual in one diplomatic practice, namely accreditation, and the importance of the social imagination. One possible evolutionary effect of the latter seems to be as a lair of hibernation for the otherwise threatened idea that diplomacy is not about dialogue but about the confrontation between good and evil. The book concludes by seeing the future of diplomacy in a continued struggle between state-to-state-based diplomacy and diplomacy as networked global governance.
The volume explores a question that sheds light on the contested, but largely cooperative, nature of Arctic governance in the post-Cold War period: How do power relations matter – and how have they mattered – in shaping cross-border cooperation and diplomacy in the Arctic? Through carefully selected case studies – from Russia’s role in the Arctic Council to the diplomacy of indigenous peoples’ organisations – this book seeks to shed light on how power performances are enacted constantly to shore up Arctic cooperation in key ways. The conceptually driven nature of the enquiry makes the book appropriate reading for courses in international relations and political geography, while the carefully selected case studies lend themselves to courses on Arctic politics.