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Felix M. Larkin

Boer war; he had spent a brief period in the Transvaal in 1897–98. In 1899 he started the United Irishman, the first of a number of radical newspapers that he edited. It was replaced by Sinn Féin in 1906 and, after the latter’s suppression in 1914, by Scissors and Paste and later by Nationality. He wrote most of the material for his newspapers himself. It seems that he once turned down a job as a leaderwriter on the Freeman’s Journal so that, to quote Virginia Glandon, ‘he could continue through his newspapers to try to break up what he saw as Irish political apathy

in Irish journalism before independence
Migration in the last gasp of empire
Kathleen Paul

other migrant groups in post-war Britain, which revealed more clearly than ever before the fact that behind the façade of a universal British national identity lay competing communities of Britishness, reflective of separate spheres of nationality. This chapter explores these different communities and suggests that their coming to the surface was a direct consequence of the end of empire. In June 1948

in British culture and the end of empire
Conflict with minorities
Terry Narramore

post-imperial state therefore not only lacked the capacity to enforce a monopoly over legitimate violence, it also failed to overcome the challenges of establishing a stable nation among its culturally diverse population. Although the PRC recognised itself as a multi-ethnic state of fifty-six ‘nationalities’ ( minzu ), including the Han or Chinese, pledged to support minority rights and established so

in Violence and the state
Abstract only
Mary Gilmartin

for detaining and deporting migrants and provide more discretionary powers to the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform. The Acts also introduce the term ‘non-national’ to describe migrants to Ireland. Though this is an improvement on the previously used term, ‘alien’, it has its own difficulties. Acts that relate partially to migration include the Nationality and Citizenship Acts. These outline the changing basis for Irish citizenship: many argue that the changes were a specific response to growing levels of migration (Lentin 2007a; White and Gilmartin 2008

in Ireland and migration in the twenty-first century
French denaturalisation law on the brink of World War II
Marie Beauchamps

example, in Syria. As denaturalisation is exposed as a political tool that would allegedly appease a feeling of insecurity, nationality law becomes a salient political area where [citizenship] and security work together to separate those with the right to security from those who are excluded from it – the former by granting and

in Security/ Mobility
Sophia Cross

Irish and the English were seen as two separate nationalities. This, combined with the presence of Scottish settlers on the north coast of Ireland, 16 created a complex melée of cultures in Ulster. It was this mixture of cultural identities that would create so many problems over the coming centuries as different nationalities sought supremacy, especially in areas such as County Armagh. This turbulent

in Cultural identities and the aesthetics of Britishness
Simon Kővesi

whether conscious or not, from which the actual appropriation of language can take place. 10 While Kelman attempts to resist the reductive marginalisation and othering of a language and a culture, he also abrogates standard bearers on another front: nationality. In his last two novels, he questions the validity of national definition, and looks at the violence and oppressions carried out through establishment state politics in the name of national ‘integrity’ and cultural tribalism. Kelman worries at nationality because, as a libertarian

in James Kelman
Cameron Ross

cultural autonomy, territorial integrity, and symbols of statehood; on the other hand it insisted on the supremacy of the central state and government and strove for a state of affairs where national separateness and ethnic identity would ultimately wither away’.3 The USSR’s adoption of an ‘ethno-territorial’ form of federalism was originally designed as a temporary measure, adopted to entice the nonRussian nationalities to join the union. But as Gleason notes, such a principle entailed a recognition of the ‘national statehood’ of the constituent republics.4 Under Soviet

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Anne-Marie Fortier

debates, iterations and changes through the centuries, but subjecthood is still regarded as compatible with citizenship in Britain (Goldsmith 2008 ) – indeed, allegiance to the Crown remains a feature of citizenship to this day. 1 The Home Office White Paper on nationality, immigration and asylum states that ‘[t]here is no contradiction in promoting citizenship so that people uphold common values and understand how they can play their part in our society while upholding our status as subjects of HM The Queen’ (Home

in Uncertain citizenship
Gareth Dale

have bestowed upon it, on the other hand the organisation and unification of broad segments of the oppressed, of disenfranchised intellectuals and petit bourgeois, the peasantry and the nationalities, could not even be initiated. After the beautiful and passionate period of the first demonstrations had come to an end, the historic victory of which is today beyond doubt, what was the Social Democratic Party able to show for its radical-political agenda? Nothing but an augmentation of the labour movement by a few socialists, some openly, others furtively. This was of

in Karl Polanyi