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Responses to clerical support for republicanism
Brian Heffernan

.3 Priests in fact served as members of parliament in several European countries during the 1910s and 1920s. They did so usually as representatives of Catholic political parties, examples being Monsignors Ludwig Kaas in Germany, Ignaz Seipel in Austria and Willem Nolens in the Netherlands.4 A similar tradition of priestly parliamentarianism did not emerge in Ireland for the simple reason that ordained priests of all denominations were barred by civil law from sitting in the House of Commons.5 clergy’, in W. J. Sheils and Diana Wood (eds), The Ministry. Clerical and Lay

in Freedom and the Fifth Commandment
Abstract only
Sarah Glynn

socio-economic struggle. Divisions that cut across and hinder that socio-economic struggle also hinder the struggle against racism and discrimination. Although multicultural politics is generally associated with post-colonial immigration, the issues it attempts to address are much older. In searching for the evolution of Marxist ideas about such issues, it is helpful to look at the responses of the early Marxist theorists to the juxtaposition of different national and ethnic groups within European nations and within the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires. Of

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
Discovery
Rosemary O’Day

itself? Did the Church as ‘institution’ change immeasurably? Were the functions of the Church altered? Is it valid to pit an interpretation of the Reformation as springing from the localities against that which sees the Reformation as a ‘national’ and ‘nationalistic’ act? The beginnings of the English Reformation Let’s start at the beginning. But where is it? The historian of the English Reformation has always found this question problematic. Plain to see are the affinities of the doctrinal reformation with Lutheranism and Calvinism in Europe, with the ideas of the

in The Debate on the English Reformation
Peter Murray and Maria Feeney

could more successfully unite. The rise of the atheistic Soviet Union to superpower status, fears regarding the spread of Communism across Europe and divisions which had opened up within the Irish labour movement prompted a wave of Catholic adult education initiatives with trade unionists as their primary initial target audience. To provide such education new institutions with a social science focus –​the Catholic Workers’ College and the Dublin Institute of Catholic Sociology –​were created alongside the colleges of the National University of Ireland. The failure of

in Church, state and social science in Ireland
Rosemary O’Day

drama’, ‘musicals’, ‘adventure’, ‘mystery’ and so on. Film itself is a medium in which many people – producers, directors, screen writers, designers, editors and actors – play a defining role. A cluster of historical films set in the Tudor period demand our attention because they demonstrate something of how film about the Tudors has been used to serve particular current agendas. Such films in the 1930s tended to be made by émigrés from Europe fleeing oppression. Fire over England (1937) was overtly propagandist against the rise of the Nazi dictatorship and, in the

in The Debate on the English Reformation
Brian Sudlow

secularisation has not occurred, or that it is at the least mitigated. To secular observers in western Europe there could in fact be little to distinguish the religiosity of Catholicism from that of Protestantism. In this light the objections to secularisation which we find in the writings of the French and English Catholic authors might be considered to be no more than the confessional gripes of those who have been culturally or politically vanquished. Such an objection is arguably too simplistic. As Dobbelaere’s model of organisational

in Catholic literature and secularisation in France and England, 1880–1914
John Anderson

we have seen, the previous century had seen extensive discussion of the issues of participation, consent, toleration and constrained government. During this period there had emerged in European towns an array of guilds and associations representing trades and interests in which consultative decision-making was the norm. And in England there had clearly developed an implicit understanding that monarchs required some form of consent from their subjects in order to legislate. Nonetheless, the radical intellectual and theological changes initiated by the reformers

in Christianity and democratisation
Peter Maxwell-Stuart

the notorious Sutherlands, in regard to Gaelic was no less violent than that of James Yorke in relation to the Gael: Their obstinate adherence to the barbarous jargon of the times when Europe was possessed by Savages, their rejection of any of the several languages now used in Europe . . . places them, with relation to the enlightened nations of Europe, in a position not very different from that betwixt the American Colonists and the Aborigines of that Country.6 Widespread dispossession, too, hastened the dispersal abroad, if not the death, of Gaelic culture – not

in Beyond the witch trials
Brian Sudlow

Chesterton (and to some extent for Belloc), the French Revolution actually corresponds to a much older and deeper instinct for justice in European culture, the highest expression of which was ‘in the formula of the peasant who said that a man’s a man for a’ that […] For it is not a question of men, but of man.’ 18 Though differing from Péguy’s analysis of pre-1881 history, Chesterton’s view of the past suggests that the retreat from the ideal of the Middle Ages had been countered by what the Revolution brought back to the minds of Europeans. Like Péguy, the Revolution for

in Catholic literature and secularisation in France and England, 1880–1914