There is a plethora of writing about European Union (EU) law post-Brexit. Almost all of it is focused on the application of EU-law in the UK and what relationship, if any, the UK might have with the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). The focus of this writing appears to be on the complexities of untangling the UK legal systems from the EU, highlighting the wide-ranging protection offered by EU law that is likely to be lost and understanding where legal gaps will need to be filled. There is, however, far less work which considers what the EU legal
Will Brexit reinforce or weaken EU security and defense policies? Opinions are divided.
A nation with substantial military and diplomatic resources, the UK has traditionally played a prominent role in European defense. Despite cuts in recent years, the UK remains Europe’s largest defense spender and had planned before Brexit to further increase spending in coming years. This includes a commitment to meet the NATO target of spending 2 percent of GDP on defense, increasing the defense budget by 0.5 percent annually to 2020–2021. In addition, the
Brexit … because a soft or hard Brexit creates a hard border in Ireland [and] creates obstacles to cross-border cooperation.
Máirtín Ó Muilleoir MLA, Sinn Féin
I believe that the Brexit negotiations have had some role in the situation which has led us to have no local Government for nearly 1000 days now. I would emphasise it is not the only issue since I
I don't know that [the Assembly] would have been pulled down if it hadn't been for Brexit I really don't. I think Brexit in a lot of ways was the straw that broke the camel's back and even if you could put a front on it and polish it – they [the DUP and Sinn Féin] were pulling in two fundamentally different directions. But the collapse of the Assembly has made Brexit worse – there is no doubt in my mind about that.
Claire Hanna MLA, SDLP
Brexit was a significant moment of political Englishness, with consequences for the rest of the United Kingdom, the European Union and beyond. This book developed existing arguments about the links between English nationalism and Euroscepticism by showing how understandings of the ‘wider categories of belonging’ that inform political Englishness shaped responses to the dilemma posed by the United Kingdom’s membership of the European Union. When viewed in this light, with Brexit seen as a protracted event that pre- and post-dated the 2016 referendum, we
Regicide, rump Parliament and independence, 2016
As the United Kingdom recovered from the shock or elation of Brexit and as its political parties tried to deal with the aftermath, the blue and gold stars of the European Union fluttered from a bronze equestrian statue of Charles I, barely 100 metres from Canada House. Perhaps the person who put it there saw it only as a convenient mast during one of the large demonstrations in support of the UK’s membership of the EU that snaked their way through central London in July 2016
The Brexit campaign for the UK to leave the EU was predicated upon a number of policy claims from the leading ‘Brexiteer’ politicians, notably Liam Fox, Michael Gove and Boris Johnson. One particularly interesting claim was that a Brexit decision to leave the EU would offer a progressive opportunity for improved, ‘pro-poor’ ties with Commonwealth countries in Africa (Lowe, 2016 ; Murray-Evans, 2016 ; Plummer, 2015 ; UKIP, 2016 ). According to the Brexiteer discourse, EU trade and aid policies are skewed against the economic and
properties that interest us before we even begin to examine [them]’ (Geertz 1973 : 17). Inspired by this approach, this chapter takes a ‘thick description’ look at the Brexit referendum campaign.
The end of the campaign
It was rather unexpected. That, perhaps, was why David Cameron’s voice broke ever so slightly when he announced his resignation in the morning of 24 June 2016. The night before, the Conservative Prime Minister had hosted an informal champagne party for friends in 10 Downing Street. The mood was optimistic, jubilant even. Campaigners were handing out
English nationalism, Euroscepticism and the Anglosphere
. Until recently, the English were a people from whom you sought independence, not a people seeking to regain their own nationhood by rising up against the inequities of foreign rule.
Yet this is how Brexit was portrayed in Nigel Farage’s victory speech at 4 a.m. on 24 June 2016: with the important caveat that Farage was ostensibly speaking for the United Kingdom, not for England. But the disparity in support for leaving the European Union in the four nations of the United Kingdom raised the question of which nation might be seeking its independence and from
The Anglosphere, England and the Brexit referendum
Thames and Tiber, 2015 and 2018
If two politicians’ ideas enjoyed a retrospective and posthumous success as a result of Brexit, it was those of Winston Churchill and Enoch Powell. The fiftieth anniversary of Churchill’s funeral took place in January 2015 with a re-enactment of his funereal trip along the Thames. Three years later, Enoch Powell’s ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech was dramatised on BBC radio.
The dominant memory of Churchill remained that of his leadership during Britain’s ‘finest hour’ in 1940, even if