Search results

You are looking at 31 - 40 of 58 items for :

  • "Louis the Pious" x
  • Manchester Medieval Studies x
  • All content x
Clear All
Jenny Benham

Emperor Louis the Pious for the restoration of his freedom and his patrimony in Aquitaine, proving that Lambert ‘was living with the consequences of his father’s actions well into his sixties’. Kosto, ‘Hostages in the Carolingian World’, 141–2. 62 Arnoldi Chronica

in Peacemaking in the Middle Ages
Abstract only
Bernhard Zeller, Charles West, Francesca Tinti, Marco Stoffella, Nicolas Schroeder, Carine van Rhijn, Steffen Patzold, Thomas Kohl, Wendy Davies, and Miriam Czock

State. Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis the Pious, 814–840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). 14 J. Schneider, Auf der Suche nach dem verlorenen Reich. Lotharingien im 9. und 10. Jahrhundert (Cologne/Weimar/Vienna: Böhlau, 2010). 15 P. H. Sawyer, Kings and Vikings: Scandinavia and Europe, AD 700–1100 (London: Methuen, 1982), pp. 78–99. 16 J.-P. Brunterc’h, ‘Le duché du Maine et la marche de Bretagne’, in H. Atsma (ed.), La Neustrie. Les pays au nord de la Loire de 650 à 850 (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1989), vol. 1, pp. 29

in Neighbours and strangers
Abstract only
Collective action in rural settlements
Bernhard Zeller, Charles West, Francesca Tinti, Marco Stoffella, Nicolas Schroeder, Carine van Rhijn, Steffen Patzold, Thomas Kohl, Wendy Davies, and Miriam Czock

people who may have stood for the settlement in some capacity. The same seems also to have been true in Alemannia. 71 Moreover, a capitulary of Emperor Louis the Pious defines ‘neighbours’ ( vicini ) as people living in the same county ( comitatus ), which is not exactly local. 72 When formularies require all the people living in a particular place ( ibidem conmanentes ) to come together before a judge, it was because these people had information relating to an incident, not because they formed a pre-existing legal community. 73 Most of these occasions could be

in Neighbours and strangers
James Naus

of the presentation by the patriarch of Jerusalem of several keys associated with the city that had been made for Charlemagne on the eve of his coronation in 800. 75 The story of Charlemagne receiving the keys was preserved in the Annales regni Francorum , a semi-official history of the Carolingian dynasty from the death of Charles Martel in 741 up to the beginning of Louis the Pious’s political crisis in 829. 76 The text was popular throughout the Middle Ages, appearing in a number of monastic inventories, particularly in the lands of the former Frankish empire

in Constructing kingship
Paul Kershaw

. Bullough, ‘Le scuole cattedrali e la cultura dell’Italia settentrionale prima dei Comuni’, Atti del II Convegno di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, Italia Sacra 5 (Padua, 1964), pp. 111–43. 111 M. Gorman, ‘The commentary on Genesis of Claudius of Turin and Biblical studies under Louis the Pious

in Frankland
Janet L. Nelson

566–9. 41 Lupus, Ep. 62, ed. P. Marshall (Leipzig, 1984), p. 68, also quoting Eccl. 13: 19; cf. above nn. 36 and 37. 42 Hincmar of Rheims, De ordine palatii, ed. T. Gross and R. Schieffer, MGH Fontes Iuris Germanici antiqui (Hannover, 1980), c. IV (= c. 18), p. 66. 43 Capit. De disciplina palatii, c. 1, MGH Capit. I, no. 146, p. 298; Capit. de Moneta, c. 5, counts have pares suos, MGH Capit. I, no. 147, p. 300. 44 S. Airlie, ‘Bonds, of power and bonds of association in the court circle of Louis the Pious’, in P. Godman and R. Collins (ed

in Law, laity and solidarities
Abstract only
Rosamond McKitterick

of Louis the Pious, The Penitential State, amply illustrates the intricate relationship between politics and religion.4 Throughout her professional career Mayke de Jong has staunchly maintained that all historians, and especially early medievalists, must take religion seriously as integral to politics. Further, all historians should take early medieval Christianity seriously; it was no mere shadow of ‘real Christianity’; nor was it only a dim outline obscured by the notion, now thoroughly discredited, of ‘Germanic paganism’. Some of Mayke’s thinking about this was

in Religious Franks
Competition and cooperation?
Régine Le Jan

Louis the Pious, 814–840 (Cambridge, 2009); and in her ‘Sacrum palatium et ecclesia:  l’autorité religieuse royale sous les Carolingiens (790–840)’, Annales: histoire, sciences sociales 58:6 (2003), 1243–69. 2 See K. Schmid and J. Wollasch (eds), Memoria. Das Geschichtliche Zeugniswert des liturgischen Gedenkens im Mittelalter (Münster, 1984); O. Oexle (ed.), Memoria als Kultur (Göttingen, 1995). J.  Autenrieth, D.  Geuenich and K.  Schmid (eds), Das Verbrüderungsbuch der Abtei Reichenau (Einleitung, Register, Faksimile), MGH Libri memoriales et necrologia, n.s. 1

in Religious Franks
Politics and ecclesiology in the ninth century
Tom Noble

resistence to heresies and affirming the correct faith.8 Moreover, the acts of the council mention that Hildebald, like his predecessor Angilram before him, had received papal permission to be absent from his diocese in order to be able to fulfil his position as court chaplain.9 In the council’s acts there are no passages that hint at such a use of the letters in the Codex Carolinus specifically, but the eighth chapter does state that, as authoritative Charlemagne. Empire and Society (Manchester/New  York, 2005), 103–35, passim; and, for this notion in Louis the Pious

in Religious Franks
Bart Jaski

successor, Hincmar of Reims.6 This new dating, around 850, rests mainly on her interpretation of the illustration of the so-called Athanasian Creed on the Trinity (which begins with Quicumque vult) as found in the Utrecht Psalter (fol. 90v). However, mainly from the illustration of Psalm 88 (fol. 51v), Dominique Alibert concluded that the Utrecht Psalter was made under Ebo c. 823 for Louis the Pious to commemorate the Viking embassy at Soissons at which Ebo assisted. Additionally, the manuscript also contains echoes from the voluntary penance of Louis at Attigny (to the

in Religious Franks