Search results

Abstract only
The superpower’s dilemma: to appease, repress, or transform transnational advocacy networks?
Stephen Noakes

1 Introduction The superpower’s dilemma: to appease, repress, or transform transnational advocacy networks? T he tale of transnational advocacy networks (TANs), as told by students of international politics, is typically one of non-​state actors reshaping world politics through the power of persuasion and principled ideas. In its most familiar telling, global partnerships of activists, non-​governmental organizations (NGOs), scientists, and technical experts play the foil to unrestrained national interests, developing, diffusing, and monitoring compliance

in The advocacy trap
Contested narratives of the independence struggle in postconfl ict Timor-Leste
Henri Myrttinen

of 108,000 people, the majority of them unarmed civilians (CAVR 2005). The complex politics of remembrance has led to competing readings of the nation and the struggle. Whereas others have done an excellent job exploring complexities between national, NGO and personal-level narratives (Harris-Rimmer 2010; Kent 2011; Sakti 2012) I will focus on alternative narratives of the nation and the independence struggle as articulated through the dead by the state, non-state actors and individuals. The three processes I will focus on are the ways in which the nation is

in Governing the dead
William Thomas Worster

participatory nature of the international legal system, see J d’Aspremont , ‘ International Law-Making by Non-State Actors: Changing the Model or Putting the Phenomenon into Perspective? ’ in M Noortmann and C Ryngaert (eds), Non-State Actor Dynamics in International Law – From Law-Takers to the Lawmakers 171 (Routledge 2010 ). 2 Also in this regard see International Law Commission, Michael Wood, Special Rapporteur, First report on formation and evidence of customary international law, UN Doc A/CN.4/663, paras 13–15 (17 May 2013); International Law

in International organisations, non-State actors, and the formation of customary international law
Abstract only
Making sense of conflict
Kirsten Forkert, Federico Oliveri, Gargi Bhattacharyya, and Janna Graham

’ (Kalyvas 2001; Newman 2004; Kaldor 2012, 2013) and we have become accustomed to a proliferation of ever fragmenting conflicts. At the same time, non-state actors have become central players in the map of global conflict. We, the public, have become accustomed to new vocabularies of war, with an easy if anxious acceptance of the existence of smart weapons, asymmetrical warfare, collateral damage and, even international terrorism. These shifts in understanding are reflected in news coverage and consumption, with, ironically, the move to register civilian impacts militating

in How media and conflicts make migrants
Applying a theory of multi-level governance
Mary C. Murphy

specific conception of EU politics based on an altered relationship between state and non-state actors, where the latter have become increasingly influential. MLG is synonymous with the idea of a movement from government to governance. NORTHERN IRELAND AND THE EU 145 It is also often associated with undermining or bypassing the role and power of the central state. The introduction of devolution in Northern Ireland, under the terms of the 1998 Belfast Agreement, provides a ready case study for examining the application and accuracy of the MLG model. This chapter

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland
Iver B. Neumann

what we may call the hybridization of diplomacy; state and non-state actors become more similar, they face similar cooperation problems as did other constellations of diplomatic agents before them, and they partake in shifting alliances. The central role of states will probably not fade, but states will increasingly have to work with and through other kinds of agents, rather than on them, as they usually did before. As always when a new tipping-point arises in social spheres, this is not totally new. In a social setting, as the example of how right-hand driving

in Diplomatic tenses
Chien-peng Chung

’ political grievances. Then it discusses the notion of respect and disrespect, and the dichotomy between recognition and redistribution, arguing that the latter cannot replace the former and may even amount to mis-recognition: the framing of the Uyghurs’ problem as economic grievances precisely undermines their quest for recognition as an indigenous Turkic Muslim community in China's Xinjiang region. As the next part argues, being recognised in terms of one's own identity is essential to transforming Uyghur armed non-state actors (ANSAs) into non-violent actors. In the

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Abstract only
Nigel D. White

briefing by her at the Security Council’s Open Debate on ‘Working Methods of the Security Council’ (UN Doc S/2014/725): ‘Enhancing Due Process in Sanctions Regimes’, UN Doc S/PV.7285 23 October 2014. 160 Cortright, López and Gerber-Stellingwerf n. 66 at 213. 161 Ibid. 219. 162 Ibid. 224. 163 UN Doc A/RES/60/1 (2005) para. 109. 164 UN Doc S/RES/1730 (2006). 165 UN Doc S/RES/1904 (2009). 166 UN Doc S/RES/1822 (2008). 167 Mulgan n. 63 at 334. 168 See N.D. White, ‘Sanctions Against Non-State Actors’ in N. Ronzitti (ed.), Coercive

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
Individuals, institutions, ideologies
Alan Tomlinson

‘ordinary individual … increasingly visible’ in the practice of diplomacy.6 It serves to recognise citizens as ‘assertive participants in international politics’ and embraces an ‘explosive growth of non-state actors’.7 He adds that non-official players in the diplomacy game have proven to be swifter at mobilisation of support than the typically unwieldy foreign policy bureaucracy. In international sport, certainly, this was true, and the increased profile of non-state actors has owed much to the networks that have created and sustained international sporting encounters

in Sport and diplomacy
A ‘new’ and ‘evolving’ threat to the European Union
Christopher Baker-Beall

as a form of crime and terrorism as an act perpetrated by non-state actors, in order to show how they help to construct the radically threatening figure of the ‘terrorist’ other. In doing so, I draw on representative examples from many of the documents identified in Chapter 2. I  also highlight instances of securitisation and point out where the ‘fight against terrorism’ adopts the language of future-oriented threats, which I argue makes possible a precautionary approach to security. The second half of the chapter explores the functioning of the discourse, with a

in The European Union’s fight against terrorism