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A short account of the Revolutionary Communist Party
Michael Fitzpatrick

militarism’. This initiative sought to build a new anti-war movement to challenge ‘the moral rearmament of imperialism’ and to combat the drive towards war. The manifesto challenged the revival of nationalist 228 Waiting for the revolution sentiments in Western countries and the presumption of moral superiority over peoples in other countries. It called for resistance to racist policies against immigrants and refugees. These themes were pursued in numerous articles in Living Marxism and in campaigning responses to particular conflicts. It was clear to the RCP that the

in Waiting for the revolution
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The far left in Britain from 1956
Evan Smith and Matthew Worley

:01:04 Introduction 7 anti-war movement and the student radicals. Infamously, Healy’s SLL (soon to become the Workers’ Revolutionary Party: WRP) boycotted the anti-Vietnam War demonstrations, distributing a leaflet titled ‘why the Socialist Labour League is not marching’ at Grosvenor Square in October 1968.13 At this moment, there seemed to be a contrast between the groups that benefited from the radicalism of the late 1960s and the ideas being simultaneously developed on the New Left. The New Left Review can be read as an indication of the Marxist theory that grew out of this

in Against the grain
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The war in Iraq 2003
Ben Tonra

the complicity of the Irish state are also recurrent themes, as is a very strong appeal to anti-militarism and anti-imperialism. Following President Bush’s State of Union address in January 2002, and the subsequent enunciation of a new US strategic doctrine of pre-emption six Case study: the war in Iraq 2003 months later, political mobilisation against the prospect of a war against Iraq began in earnest. The Irish Anti-War Movement (IAWM) was established in early October 2001 specifically to oppose the US-led military attacks on Afghanistan. At the autumn launch

in Global citizen and European Republic
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Piers Robinson, Peter Goddard, Katy Parry, Craig Murray, and Philip M. Taylor

could be assessed (the case of the anti-war movement). We conclude our study, in Chapter 8, with a synthesis of the results of our empirical analysis and discuss their implications for a theoretical understanding of wartime media–state relations. Within this process, we pay close attention to the applicability of the elite-driven, independent and oppositional  models and consider the implications of our findings in relation to broader debates about the impact of new technologies, changing geo-political contexts, contemporary approaches to media-management, as well as

in Pockets of resistance
John Corner

immediately works symbolically as well as naturalistically. Similarly, the photograph has sufficient figurative ambiguity to afford a resource both for pro-war and anti-war readings, as student opinion also showed.5 It is a photograph that one might imagine the US Army being quite comfortable with, as well as the anti-war movement. Since Hetherington was working at the time as an embedded journalist, this is not at all surprising. Aesthetically, the very darkness of the image was central to critical responses, for some critics the indication of a technical

in Theorising Media
Jane Martin

did not endorse the views of the patriots in the BSP who believed the war against Germany was just. Those who had opposed rearmament represented the anti-war movement and attacked the Hyndmanite right wing from within the party. Numerically they became a majority on the Executive Committee in October 1914 and established their own journal, The Call, edited by E.C. Fairchild (b. 1874), as a vehicle for building up support. Born in London and apprenticed as a bookbinder, Fairchild went on to become a workshop manager before devoting himself to full-time political

in Making socialists
Piers Robinson, Peter Goddard, Katy Parry, Craig Murray, and Philip M. Taylor

, critical reporting came to reflect the debate between hawks and doves in Washington but largely failed to represent the viewpoints of the anti-war movement. The ‘political contest’, ‘policy-media interaction’ and ‘cascading activation’ models, advanced by Wolfsfeld (1997), Robinson (2002) and Entman (2004) respectively, are less restrictive vis-à-vis the potential independence of journalists. For example, Wolfsfeld (1997) argues that news media do, at times, advocate the interests of non-elite groups against the interests of the state; as an example, he provides evidence

in Pockets of resistance
Michael Goodrum and Philip Smith

the counter-culture movement of the 1960s and 1970s. Just two weeks after American soldiers first arrived in Denang, the University of Michigan hosted an all-night debate featuring professors and 3,000 students. This was the first of a series of teach-ins and protests on university campuses that only grew in intensity as the war continued. In 1965, 25,000 people, many of them students and professors, gathered in Washington to protest against the war. In October 1967, their number grew to 35,000.3 The anti-war movement was further fuelled by media coverage. The

in Printing terror
A distinctive politics?
Author: Richard Taylor

English radicalism has been a deep-rooted but minority tradition in the political culture since at least the seventeenth century. The central aim of this book is to examine, in historical and political context, a range of key events and individuals that exemplify English radicalism in the twentieth century. This analysis is preceded by defining precisely what has constituted this tradition; and by the main outline of the development of the tradition from the Civil War to the end of the nineteenth century. Three of the main currents of English radicalism in the twentieth century have been the labour movement, the women’s movement and the peace movement. These are discussed in some detail, as a framework for the detailed consideration of ten key representative figures of the tradition in the twentieth century: Bertrand Russell, Sylvia Pankhurst, Ellen Wilkinson, George Orwell, E.P. Thompson, Michael Foot, Joan Maynard, Stuart Hall, Tony Benn and Nicolas Walter. The question of ‘agency’ – of how to bring about radical change in a predominantly conservative society and culture – has been a fundamental issue for English radicals. It is argued that, in the twentieth century, many of the important achievements in progressive politics have taken place in and through extra-parliamentary movements, as well as through formal political parties and organisations – the Labour Party and other socialist organisations – and on occasion, through libertarian and anarchist politics. The final chapter considers the continuing relevance of this political tradition in the early twenty-first century, and reviews its challenges and prospects.

Death and press photography in the anti-capitalist protests in Genoa 2001
Antigoni Memou

protester and of a girl screaming above him. The popularity that these pictures have obtained becomes obvious in their continuous reproductions in newspapers, on posters, T-shirts, record album covers. Filo’s picture not only became the symbol of the American anti-war movement, but contributed to the revival of the movement with a new wave of demonstrations across the United States and Europe.42 They both inspired protesters all over the world, not only in the 1960s and in the 1970s, but also in the following decades. The fact that these images were easily recognisable in

in Photography and social movements