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Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis, and Kostas Ifantis

. Such an inquiry is of particular theoretical interest as none of the previously dominant paradigms of regional integration in Europe provide an overall hermeneutic pattern. Rather, different theoretical accounts intermesh with enormous complexity as to the outcome of the twin Intergovernmental Conferences of 1990/91. A possible explanation is that from a phase of integration in the mid-1980s, when expected ‘spillovers’ monopolised the interest of the academic community, we moved into a situation where a process of ‘overspill’ became manifest:3 the scope of

in Theory and reform in the European Union

Karl Polanyi (1886–1964) returned to public discourse in the 1990s, when the Soviet Union imploded and globalization erupted. Best known for The Great Transformation, Polanyi’s wide-ranging thought anticipated twenty-first-century civilizational challenges of ecological collapse, social disintegration and international conflict, and warned that the unbridled domination of market capitalism would engender nationalist protective counter-movements. In Karl Polanyi and Twenty-First-Century Capitalism, Radhika Desai and Kari Polanyi Levitt bring together prominent and new thinkers in the field to extend the boundaries of our understanding of Polanyi's life and work. Kari Polanyi Levitt's opening essay situates Polanyi in the past century shaped by Keynes and Hayek, and explores how and why his ideas may shape the twenty-first century. Her analysis of his Bennington Lectures, which pre-dated and anticipated The Great Transformation, demonstrates how Central European his thought and chief concerns were. The next several contributions clarify, for the first time in Polanyi scholarship, the meaning of money as a fictitious commodity. Other contributions resolve difficulties in understanding the building blocks of Polanyi's thought: fictitious commodities, the double movement, the United States' exceptional development, the reality of society and socialism as freedom in a complex society. The volume culminates in explorations of how Polanyi has influenced, and can be used to develop, ideas in a number of fields, whether income inequality, world-systems theory or comparative political economy. Contributors: Fred Block, Michael Brie, Radhika Desai, Michael Hudson, Hannes Lacher, Kari Polanyi Levitt, Chikako Nakayama, Jamie Peck, Abraham Rotstein, Margaret Somers, Claus Thomasberger, Oscar Ugarteche Galarza.

Kai Oppermann and Klaus Brummer

’s autonomy in foreign policy-making has been eroding for a number of reasons. They include processes of regional integration, which, especially in the European context, have led to a sharing of competencies between states as well as between states and supra-national institutions. At the same time, the leeway of the executive in foreign policy-making has also been curtailed in the domestic arena. Not least for reasons of increasing the executive’s accountability and responsiveness, other institutions, most notably but not limited to the legislature, have received

in Foreign policy as public policy?
Arantza Gomez Arana

. External federator The argument which suggests the EU’s role was that of an external federator can be accepted in the first (Chapter 4) and second stages (Chapter 5) but not in the third stage (Chapters 6 and 7). Alongside the argument of counterbalancing the US, this is the most common argument in the existing literature. It is clear that the EU had allocated resources to Mercosur institutions and other Latin American regional groups in order to promote regional integration. The EU had even created the Centre for Economic and Financial Research to support regional

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:
Open Access (free)
The study of European Union relations with Mercosur
Arantza Gomez Arana

of the international sphere. At the very least, the EU is considered ‘a force’ in the international arena: ‘The EU has become a force in international affairs, especially in trade, development cooperation, the promotion of regional integration, democracy and good governance, human rights and, to an increasing extent, also in security policies’ (Soderbaum and Van Langenhove 2005: 250). Although it is accepted that the EU is involved in all of these areas, this does not imply ‘actorness’ or ‘presence’. According to Bretherton and Vogler (2006: 27), there are three

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:
Francis N. Botchway and Mohamed Salem Abou El Farag

, see SADC, Declaration and Treaty www.sadc.int/files/8613/5292/8378/Declaration__Treaty_of_SADC.pdf , accessed 12 June 2019. 29 See Falilou Fall, Blandine Vachon and Cosimo Winckler, ‘ Regional Integration

in African perspectives in international investment law
Losing friends and failing to influence
Christopher Stevens

African regional integration (Khumalo and Mulleta, 2010; Meyn, 2008) a cause that the EU’s declaratory policy supports (Farrell, 2005; Forwood, 2001; Storey, 2006). One answer could be that it was the ‘right thing to do’ either narrowly for commercial advantage or for ACP development. This is examined in the next section. The evidence is insufficiently strong to explain why the EU embarked upon a course that would inevitably produce a stand-­off in December 2007 unless it backed down. And it is hard not to interpret as backing down the decision to offer unilaterally

in The European Union in Africa
Theory and framework
Boyka Stefanova

of political organisation outside the territorial boundaries of the European Union, and political unification (Olsen 2002 ). The concise definition of Europeanisation is that of a process term implying the reorientation of domestic politics in the context of regional integration so that the EU’s political and economic dynamics ‘become part of the organisational logic of national politics and policy

in The Europeanisation of conflict resolution
Abstract only
Lynn Dobson

more democratic, what democracy might mean in relation to them, and whether they could be democratised, are all formidable problems, and controversial too. Nevertheless, it appears perverse to continue to assume that the mix of executive latitude and permissive acquiescence of subject populations that has been characteristic of intergovernmental associations will continue to suffice. These problems are most strikingly manifest in the European Union, the world’s most advanced project of regional integration8 and transnational rulemaking. As the depth, scope, and reach

in Supranational Citizenship
Abstract only
The European Union’s Asia-Pacific strategies and policies at the crossroads
Weiqing Song and Jianwei Wang

China, some of the Asian countries pose challenges to the existing global order and values in which The EU’s Asia-Pacific strategies and policies 7 the EU and its members are mostly beneficiaries and strong supporters. These countries are very suspicious of the EU style of regional integration, which is essentially promoted by the EU itself in its inter-regional diplomacy with many parts of the developing world. They are not content with the formula of major international institutions, in many of which the EU is over-represented. In fact, the EU also faces the

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific