National questions in a global era
Ben Wellings

was not present at the Treaty of Rome commemorations – or rather it was conspicuous by its absence. For sure, there were the official celebrations, including a Declaration, a white paper on the future of the EU and some sombre speeches from heads of state and government. But the ghost at the banquet was Brexit. If there had been a growing sense of distance between citizens and the European project in its forties, and the Eurozone and migration crises had not been bad enough in its fifties, Brexit really was la cerise sur le gâteau as the EU turned sixty

in English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere
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England’s wider categories of belonging
Ben Wellings

highlighting national differences over the value of that Union. Instead it sought to commemorate a version of what we might now call ‘global Britain’. As Englishness became politicised, the UK Government offered up a memory of Empire to paper over the emerging cracks in the Union state. The years leading up to the Brexit referendum were also years of debates about Britain’s imperial past. The conclusions made about this topic were fairly one-sided: in 2014 59 per cent of respondents to a YouGov poll said that the British Empire was something to be proud of

in English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere
Westminster 2017
Feargal Cochrane

Northern Ireland is the most polarised it's been since the hunger strikes … Clearly the single biggest source of polarisation at the moment I think is Brexit. Ben Lowry, deputy editor, Belfast News Letter 1 There's an ambivalence about Brexit within

in Breaking peace
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Understanding the past, facing the future
Ina Habermann

Brexit means Brexit Brexit brings out the worst in people. The interminable fight over what Brexit actually means, beyond (former) Prime Minister May’s mesmerising tautology, has produced, and revealed, multiple faultlines in an increasingly dis-United Kingdom, on the level of nations, regions, political parties and social classes, down to the most intimate levels of families, friends and relationships. To a certain extent, this was caused by the stark binarism of the choice that the British people were given – yes or no, in or out. Woefully inadequate to the

in The road to Brexit
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Parties and policy making in Ireland
Donnacha Ó Beacháin

State Government inherited 21,000 civil servants 2 From Partition to Brexit and to this number it added a mere 131 of its own and reinstated 88 others. Chubb notes that The administrative machinery of the new state did not have to be created: what existed was taken over by nationalist rebels, most of whom were by no means revolutionaries looking to effect great social and political reforms … Their senior civil service advisers, steeped in the British tradition, saw no need for changes in administrative structures or practices. They looked for and got much friendly

in From Partition to Brexit
Donnacha Ó Beacháin

affairs so that international audiences would not have to rely on British sources for keeping abreast of events in Ireland. Though de Valera participated in the work of the Committee, he was half-hearted at best about the venture ‘given [his] lack of 64 From Partition to Brexit enthusiasm for involvement in any anti-Partition strategy which he was not controlling’.4 Costello’s unilateral declaration of intent to repeal the External Relations Act (ERA) and, consequently, to declare a Republic of Ireland outside of the Commonwealth not only shocked the British

in From Partition to Brexit
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Donnacha Ó Beacháin

the Stormont and London governments and not with your government’ and there was ‘a limit to the extent to which we can discuss with outsiders—even our nearest neighbours, this internal matter’.1 But just as the British were instructing Dublin to back off, the Government was besieged with requests to support the northern nationalist community. The 106 From Partition to Brexit cabinet meeting of 13 August exposed deep divisions on how best to respond. Kevin Boland, Neil Blaney and Charles Haughey advocated some kind of military action. This might take the form of

in From Partition to Brexit
Donnacha Ó Beacháin

analysis of the regime type that would allow such an atrocity to go unpunished. Rather, the Minister for Justice focussed on public empathy with the victims of Bloody Sunday who, in the absence of official justice, had burnt down the symbol of British diplomacy in Ireland. It was this reaction – that caused no injuries, let alone fatalities – that was depicted as ‘irrational’ and ‘frightening’. 138 From Partition to Brexit Moreover, Cooney did not suggest that nationalists should interrogate the nature of loyalism as a result of the 17 May massacre. Instead he

in From Partition to Brexit
Donnacha Ó Beacháin

republicanism had moved from the periphery to the mainstream. Hunger strikes, executions and atrocities such as those committed on Bloody Sunday punctuated what was in retrospect a mercifully short war for independence. Almost 2,000 people were killed between January 1919 and July 1921, of whom about a quarter resided in the six counties of what became Northern Ireland. In Belfast, where 12 From Partition to Brexit most of the northern fatalities occurred, British state forces combined with loyalist irregulars to target the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and minority

in From Partition to Brexit
Donnacha Ó Beacháin

remaining ready at any time to revert to a more Republican posture to satisfy the Party faithful’. While the report said that the British need not care about his electoral prospects, Haughey was considered ‘the best placed to secure the agreement of the more Republican wing of his Party to any acceptable solution we can devise for the North’. Most 172 From Partition to Brexit important from the British perspective, Haughey’s accession ‘has not harmed security cooperation between the RUC and the Garda which seems, if anything, to have improved’. As for Haughey’s ‘real

in From Partition to Brexit