James Baldwin, the Religious Right, and the Moral
In the 1980s, James Baldwin recognized that a major transformation had occurred in the
socio-political functions of religion. His critique adapted accordingly, focusing on the
ways in which religion—particularly white evangelical Christianity—had morphed into a
movement deeply enmeshed with mass media, conservativepolitics, and late capitalism.
Religion in the Reagan era was leveraged, sold, and consumed in ways never before seen,
from charismatic televangelists, to Christian-themed amusement parks, to mega-churches.
The new movement was often characterized as the “religious right” or the “Moral Majority”
and was central to both Reagan’s political coalition as well as the broader culture wars.
For Baldwin, this development had wide-ranging ramifications for society and the
individual. This article draws on Baldwin’s final major essay, “To Crush the Serpent”
(1987), to examine the author’s evolving thoughts on religion, salvation, and
transgression in the context of the Reagan era.
An Introductory Text and Translation (Halit Refiğ, 1971)
Murat Akser and Didem Durak-Akser
Halit Refiğ had impact on debates around Turkish national cinema both as a thinker
and as a practitioner. Instrumental in establishing the Turkish Film Institute under
MSU along with his director colleagues like Metin Erksan and Lutfi Akad, Refiğ
lectured for many years at the first cinema training department. This translation is
from his 1971 collection of articles titled Ulusal Sinema Kavgasi (Fight For National
Cinema). Here Refiğ elaborates on the concept of national cinema from cultural
perspectives framing Turkey as a continuation of Ottoman Empire and its culture
distinct and different from western ideas of capitalism, bourgeoisie art and Marxism.
For Refiğ, Turkish cinema should be reflected as an extension of traditional Turkish
arts. Refiğ explores the potential to form a national cinema through dialogue,and
dialectic within Turkish traditional arts and against western cinematic traditions of
That hostility to the Reformation was a feature of the Oxford Movements outlook
is a truism, but Tractarians’ anti-Reformation sentiments went much further than
the purely theological. Tractarians consistently held that in its repudiation of
antiquity and elevation of sola scriptura, the Reformation had
launched a wider rationalism whose socio-economic as well as religious
consequences they abhorred. If a Tractarian paternalism – which mourned the
welfare consequences of the dissolution of the monasteries, and the rise of
capitalism and its bourgeoisie,– had much in common with other
nineteenth-century social criticism, a crucial difference emerged at the point
of prescription. Their uncompromising advocacy of the church as the sole agency
of amelioration, and promotion of such schemes as sisterhoods, sharply
distinguished Tractarians,from advocates of legislative intervention or ethical
socialism. Tractarians therefore looked not forward, to the ideal of a welfare
state, but back, to the ideal of a welfare church.
The post-communist transition in Romania has been a period rife with high hopes and expectations as well as strong disappointments and disillusions. The engagement with these disappointments or disillusions has mainly fallen along the lines of critical editorial comments by dissidents and intellectuals or academic engagements that connect it to different forms of social and political apathy. What seems to be lacking however, is a more head-on engagement with disillusionment as a self-contained process that is not just a side-effect of political corruption or economic failures but rather an intrinsic part of any transition. This book provides the basis for a theory of disillusionment in instances of transition. It also elaborates on how such a theory could be applied to a specific case-study, in this instance, the Romanian transition from communism to capitalism. By defining disillusionment as the loss of particularly strong collective illusions, the book identifies what those illusions were in the context of the Romanian 1989 Revolution. It also seeks to understand the extent to which disillusionment is intrinsic to social change, and more importantly, determine whether it plays an essential role in shaping both the direction and the form of change. The book further inevitably places itself at the intersection of a number of different academic literatures: from regional and comparative studies, political science and "transitology" studies, to sociology, psychology and cultural studies.
The Ceremony of Organ Harvest in Gothic Science Fiction
In organ transfer, tissue moves through a web of language. Metaphors reclassify the tissue to enable its redeployment, framing the process for practitioners and public. The process of marking off tissue as transferrable in legal and cultural terms parallels many of the processes that typically accompany commodification in late capitalism. This language of economic transformation echoes the language of Gothic ceremony, of purification and demarcation. As in literary Gothic s representations of ceremony, this economic work is anxious and the boundaries it creates unstable. This article identifies dominant metaphors shaping that ceremony of tissue reclassification, and examines how three twenty-first century novels deploy these metaphors to represent the harvest (procurement) process (the metaphor of harvest; is itself highly problematic, as I will discuss). Kazuo Ishiguros Never Let Me Go (2005), Neal Shusterman Unwind (2007), and Ninni Holmqvists Swedish novel Enhet (The Unit) (2006, translated into English in 2010) each depict vulnerable protagonists within societies where extreme tissue procurement protocols have state sanction. The texts invite us to reflect on the kinds of symbolic substitutions that help legitimate tissue transfer and the way that procurement protocols may become influenced by social imperatives. In each text, the Gothic trope of dismemberment becomes charged with new urgency.
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
states, others, like the GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade],
were only for the capitalist world. There was an order, which, in theory, combined Western
democracy with a more-or-less regulated capitalism: the so-called liberal order – although
perhaps ‘liberal’ isn’t the most precise term, either in political or
economic terms. There were of course other characteristics. The promotion of human rights became
one, for example, albeit selective. When South Korea was still under dictatorship, we would ask
‘What about South Korea? Shouldn’t it
disillusioned with the truncated horizons of the New Left
and resigned to the triumph, for a generation or two, of welfare capitalism ( Meiksins Wood, 1995 ). Before this, global humanitarianism
had been a largely religious exercise, an extension of Christian ministry ( Barnett, 2011 ), while human rights barely registered on the world stage
( Moyn, 2010 ). From the 1970s on, the humanist
international became a place where disillusioned rebels could continue to work, albeit in a new
idiom, for those who suffered. They ceased working to any great extent on their
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