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Bryan Fanning

perspectives, subordinated a pre-Enlightenment Gaelic Ireland to an imported modernity. In its crudest form the conflict was one between isolationists who sought to protect Ireland’s authentic culture, however understood, from outside contamination and their intellectual opponents. The politics of cultural nationalism since the death of O’Connell had presented the Gaelic revival as a cultural restoration. But Tierney on one side and O’Faoláin on the other acknowledged that what had been attempted was a ‘fake’ restoration, a reconstruction based on an idealised

in Irish adventures in nation-building
The Scottish Isles and the Stewart empire
Martin MacGregor

heathen, but crossfertilisation both with the broader European literature, and with English representations of Gaelic Ireland in the era of conquest, also needs to be taken into account. Hand in hand with a literature of colonialism went a reordering of linguistic referentials within these islands. Conquest in Ireland and embryonic Britishness sharpened ‘subordinate’ ethnic and national divisions and labels. In 1590 a horrified Scottish Privy Council recorded the Clan Gregor acting ‘in eithnik and barbarous manner’. 9 In 1603, in what was virtually James’s last

in The plantation of Ulster
Eiléan Ní Chuilleanáin

volume contains Colm Lennon’s essay on Peter White’s school in Kilkenny, alerting the reader to the practicalities of the language learning which makes scholarship and translation possible, and Clare Carroll’s account of Irish clerics in Rome who were in the thick of sophisticated theological arguments but also preserved and furthered Gaelic linguistic scholarship. Lennon’s research on the culture of the English-speaking Pale complements Mícheál Mac Craith’s and Brendan Bradshaw’s on Gaelic Ireland, while Carroll’s points to a well-equipped diaspora.5  2 Crown surveys

in Dublin
Abstract only
Writing for the stage in Restoration Dublin
Stephen Austin Kelly

therefore forgive his and others’ past 22 The term ‘Mere Irish’ was not, as it is sometimes supposed, a pejorative term. ‘Mere’ in this context means ‘pure-blooded’ or ‘whole’ and was used to distinguish the Gaelic Irish from the English-Irish or Old English. The dismissive connotation of ‘mere’ in the contemporary sense (as in, for example, the phrase ‘a mere child’) did not exist in the early modern period. 23 John Kerrigan, ‘Boyle’s Ireland and the British problem, 1641–1679’, in David J. Baker and Willy Maley (eds), British identities and English Renaissance

in Dublin
Eucharistic controversy and the English origins of Irish Catholic identity, 1550–51
James Murray

reasons for St Leger’s frustration was the privy council’s refusal to endorse a proposal he had put forward to sanction the use of a Latin version of the English communion service in Ireland. Latin, of course, was not just the lingua franca of scholars, statesmen and ecclesiastics, but it was also the main language through which the Dublin administration communicated with the Gaelic Irish.12 Its employment would have enabled St Leger to introduce the new service ‘where the inhabitants understand not the English tongue’ in a comfortingly familiar form, and thus reduce

in Irish Catholic identities
Fintan Lane

imposition, with rapid cultural as well as economic implications, that ran contrary to the natural inclinations of the Irish people, who he claimed enjoyed a non-hierarchical, communistic clan-based society until as late as the seventeenth century, though it was under pressure from the time of Henry VIII and Elizabeth I: ‘As the dispersion of the clans, consummated by [Oliver] Cromwell, finally completed the ruin of Gaelic Ireland, all the higher education of Irishmen thenceforward ran in this foreign groove, and was coloured with this foreign colouring’ (Connolly, 1910

in Mobilising classics
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Provincial unrest in Ireland before 1641
David Edwards

, intent on maintaining the impression that everything remained under control. In 1639, by force of circumstances, as the crisis escalated across the three Stuart kingdoms, the facade slipped. He knew a Scottish Covenanter army invading Ulster would have attracted the support of disaffected elements from several areas of the country – not only the Scottish settlers in Ulster, the group invariably identified as his chief security worry, but also from angry Gaelic-Irish and Anglo-Irish in parts of Ulster, Leinster, the Midlands and Connacht. For all of his customary

in Ireland, 1641
Discovering the formal and figurative texture of Derricke’s Image of Irelande
Matthew Woodcock

) Indeed, taken all together, the three Mirror- like Rory Og and O’Neill poems represent a polarised illustration of the only two courses of action available to the Gaelic Irish lords: respectively, persecution and inevitable execution, or humble submission. The opposition between humans and beasts is another significant binary for Derricke and this informs the dominant conceit of the entire Image – that of the essentially bestial nature of the Gaelic Irish kern and the society he inhabits and infects – for

in John Derricke’s The Image of Irelande: with a Discoverie of Woodkarne
Sir Henry Sidney’s return to Dublin as depicted in Derricke’s Image of Irelande
Bríd McGrath

nobles were planned under Henry, Edward, Mary and Elizabeth, so there was no reluctance in principle to including them as part of the Irish nobility. Despite these ennoblements and St Leger and Cusack’s efforts at inclusion, there was no attempt to treat England and Ireland as equal in a union of crowns, and Derricke’s Image shows the Gaelic Irish as rebellious, uncouth and uncivilised: potential, if not actual, traitors and far from equal subjects. The Gaelic Irish were a ‘reprobate nation’. 17 Tudor state

in John Derricke’s The Image of Irelande: with a Discoverie of Woodkarne
John Milton on the failure of the Ulster plantation
Nicholas McDowell

Confederate Association, made up of Gaelic Irish and ‘Old English’ settlers, and Charles I’s lord lieutenant in Ireland, James Butler, Marquis of Ormond (1610–88). Ormond’s army was joined in the opening months of 1649 by Cavaliers fleeing England after defeat in the second civil war and the execution of Charles I on 30 January. A further ‘complication’ was the horror of the mainly Scottish Presbyterian settlers in Ulster at the regicide and their antagonism to an English republican regime dominated by Independents, generally more tolerant of sectarianism and opposed to a

in The plantation of Ulster