be considered British, the very term Anglo-Irish, a description of
themselves accepted by upper-middle-class and landed Protestants, 3 implied an
identification with Britain and, in practice, entailed a tendency
towards having an English accent and education. 4 Michael McConville, in
explaining that the Old English component of Catholic Ireland had
long been combined with the GaelicIrish into a cultural
of thousands of
Protestants slaughtered eight years earlier, when, in October 1641, members
of the GaelicIrish elite, disgruntled by years of maltreatment suffered at
the hands of English officials in Dublin, launched a rebellion in Ulster with
the aim of negotiating religious toleration from a position of strength. This
narrowly targeted, elite exploit soon tapped into wider discontent and spread
across the whole of the island. Of more immediate concern to the Rump
was Charles I’s heir, Charles Stuart, and the threat of a royalist invasion
of England staged in
’ (as in n. 17) at p. 349. Ireland: H. G. Richardson and G. O. Sayles, The Irish Parliament in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia, 1952), p. 292; Chartularies of St. Mary’s Dublin, ed. J. T. Gilbert (Rolls Series, 1884–6), I, p. 369; Statutes and ordinances . . . of the Parliaments of Ireland, John-Henry V, ed. H. F. Berry (Dublin, 1907), pp. 265, 281–91.
20 Robin Frame, English Lordship in Ireland 1318–61 (Oxford, 1982), pp. 28–36; Katharine Simms, From Kings to Warlords. The Changing Political Structure of GaelicIreland in the Later Middle Ages (Woodbridge
Correspondence of Thomas Bekynton , ed. G. Williams (2 vols., RS, 1872), i. 285.
12 D. Johnstone, ‘Richard II and the Submission of GaelicIreland’, Irish Historical Studies , xxii (1980), p. 2; Anglo-Norman Letters and Petitions , ed. M. D. Legge (Oxford, 1941), p. 48.
13 E. Curtis, Richard II in Ireland (Oxford, 1927), p. 132.
14 Thomas Walsingham, Historia Anglicana , ed. T. Riley (2 vols., RS, 1864), ii. 239.
15 The Westminster Chronicle, 1381–1394 , ed. L. C. Hector and B. F. Harvey (Oxford, 1982), pp. 158, 436–8; The Diplomatic Correspondence of
the independent Irish state: “It shall be the
first duty of the Government of the Republic to make provision for the
physical, mental, and spiritual well-being of the children to secure that no
child shall suffer hunger or cold from lack of food, clothing, or shelter, but
that all shall be provided with the means and facilities requisite for their
education and training as citizens of a Free and GaelicIreland.”2 Although
the role and responsibility of parents was not explicitly mentioned in the
Democratic Programme, there is no reason to assume its architects
Settler colonies, ethno-religious violence and historical documentation: comparative reflections on Southeast Asia and Ireland
joining forces with the GaelicIrish rebels in the
Of course, Coote was not the only perpetrator of anti-Irish violence. In
the 1650s, additional examinants also told the Cromwellian High Court of
Justice of the ‘generall Murder’ of Catholics at Island Magee and Carrickfergus
in early 1642. One examinant reported that ‘they and the rest of the Irish
were forced to shelter themselves in houses and that they were taken out and
murthered but how or by whom he cannot declare’.66 Several other possible
witnesses were also questioned about ‘the murther Comitted
Britons and Irish imperial culture in nineteenth-century India
promote the interests of a particular GaelicIrish dimension within
Anglo-Indian society. They ministered to the East India Company’s
many Gaelic-speaking Irish soldiers; set about introducing a
reconstructed parochial system in India which was, in part, modelled
along post-emancipation Irish lines, through the building of churches
and other ecclesiastical infrastructure; and promoted the education of
only involved longer journeys but also brought them into greater competition with continental rivals coming the other way, is perhaps more understandable.
It would also seem that the majority of Irish people living in England were ‘Anglo-Irish’, rather than GaelicIrish. Towns of origin are only rarely identifiable for the Irish people included in our main sources, but those that are known were mainly within areas of stronger English rule. John de Swerdes, taxed in Hereford throughout the early 1440s, was presumably from Swords, near Dublin, while three Waterford
Present State of Ireland, (ed.) W. L. Renwick (Oxford, 1971), p. 165.
46 A. J. Horning, ‘“Dwelling houses in the old Irish barbarous manner”: archaeological evidence for Gaelic architecture in an Ulster plantation village’, in P. J. Duffy, D. Edwards, and E. Fitzpatrick (ed.), GaelicIreland, C1250–C1650: Land, Lordship, and Settlement (Dublin, 2001), pp. 375–96.
47 Moody, Londonderry Plantation, p. 197.
48 R. J. Hunter, ‘Towns in the Ulster plantation’, Studia Hibernica, 11 (1971), 40–56. See also R. Gillespie, ‘Small towns in Ulster, 1600
primarily along the lines of regional GaelicIrish lordships, memorializing a social hierarchy that had been effectively displaced from Ulster by 1610.’ 58
Speed ‘follows other early modern historiographers in justifying the conquest of Ireland by analogy with the Roman conquest of Britain’, while ‘William Camden concluded, “a blessed and happy turne had it beene for Ireland, if it had at any time been under [Roman] subjection”’. 59 David Scott Wilson-Okamura points out that both Sir Thomas Smith and Sir John Davies ‘took Virgil’s description of the colony at Carthage