Royalist hospital provision during the First Civil War
Eric Gruber von Arni
, Waggon-Master-General to
KingCharlesI (Oxfordshire Record Society, 42, 1961), pp. 54–5.
46 Philip (ed.), Journal, II, pp. 114–5.
48 Philip (ed.), Journal, I, pp. 26–140, and II, pp 146–53.
49 W. Bradbrooke, ‘The Church during the Commonwealth in the Abingdon
Deanery’, Berkshire Archaeological Journal, 37 (1934), 19–32.
50 Council of War to Matthew Bradley, 29 July 1643: BL, Harleian MS 6,852, fo. 163.
51 The River Severn was one of the King’s main communication routes at this time.
52 W. O. Hassell, ‘Typhus in Oxfordshire Billets, 1643
and the Genevan extreme by accepting Zwingli’s concept of the bread merely signifying or pointing to the body of
Christ but insisting that Christ was at least spiritually present in
the host (cf. Muir, 1997: 171–5). However, there is evidence that,
even as late as 1634, the question of the Eucharist had not been
satisfactorily settled. In a clearly rhetorical question, Robert
Skinner, in a sermon preached before KingCharlesI at Whitehall
in that year, wonders: ‘Is it not deep infidelity and heresy, to think
Christ to be absent from his body and blood?’, and
kingdom of Scotland were bound).
In the late 1630s, the Covenanters firmly opposed KingCharlesI’s ideas of religion, especially his imposition of a ‘new’ prayer book, and his preference for appointing bishops. However, in many ways, the outbreak of open hostilities was part of a wider dissatisfaction with the seeming lessening of Scottish influence on the King, since the Union of the Crowns. His father, James VI and I, had departed to England to take up the English Crown upon the death of Elizabeth I of England, but had promised to come back to Scotland regularly
on the Amazon queen Landgartha, the play dramatises her military alliance with Reyner, king of Denmark, against the king of Sweden. Having
defeated the latter, Landgartha marries Reyner but is betrayed when he
leaves her for his Danish lover, Vraca. The play has been read allegorically by critics, with Reyner and the Danes standing in for KingCharlesI, the Swedes representing the Scots and sometimes the New English, and
Landgartha and the Amazons (in particular the character of Marfisa, who
wears native Irish dress) deputising for the Old English.48 Despite the
‘Republican’ defences of monarchy at the Restoration
20 Jermyn, Culpeper and Ashburnham to KingCharlesI, 6 August 1646, in State Papers
Collected by Edward, Earl of Clarendon, ed. by Richard Scrope and Thomas Monkhouse,
3 vols (London, 1767–86), ii, 244–45.
21 George Starkey, The Dignity of Kingship Asserted: In Answer to Mr. Milton’s Ready and
Easie Way to Establish a Free Common-wealth (London, 1660), pp. 76–77.
22 Ibid., p. 97.
23 On this, see the valuable essay by James Hankins, ‘Exclusivist Republicanism and the
Non-Monarchical Republic’, Political Theory, 38.4 (2010), 452–82.
Reading New Testament women in early modern England, 1550–1700
Victoria Brownlee and Laura Gallagher
the Anglican writer Antony Stafford’s work, The femall
glory: or, The life, and death of our Blessed Lad y
( 1635 ),
demonstrates that Mary remained an important, yet contentious,
subject in Protestant circles. Exemplifying a brand of Marian
devotion that had by the 1630s become associated with Henrietta
Maria, the Catholic wife of KingCharlesI, Stafford’s work
, they refused to pass the death sentences, and referred the matter to KingCharlesI. The condemned were held in Lancaster Castle.
On 16 May the Privy Council summoned ‘some of the principall and most notorious offenders’ to London at the King’s command. Not having the names of the supposed malefactors caused a delay, and on 23 May the Lancaster judges were obliged to remind the King and Privy Council of the case. By the end of the month, more information had been supplied and the Council summoned Frances Dicconson, Margaret Johnson, Alice
the Levy of Arms called by sir William Twysden in 1595. Active on many fronts,
he was finally appointed High sheriff of Kent and was knighted. edward was a
devout man9 and owned properties all over Kent as well as a house in Knightrider street, London. He died in 1629 leaving a very detailed will in which he
promised his son Henry £40, provided the latter commenced his ‘M. A. in
university of cambridge’.10 On 10 February 1632 a letter patent of KingcharlesI authorised sir robert to enter into inheritance after his father’s death.11
sir edward Filmer
. Commissioned by KingCharlesI in order to
raise money for the stipends for church ministers in the burgh, this
tax was assessed (but never collected) between 1634 and 1636 and the
roll lists the household head (both landlord and tenant) and value of
every building in the burgh. The resulting record features five columns
of information devoted, in turn, to landlords, tenants, a description of
each property, the value of each property, and the annuity it was determined by the assessors the household should pay, based on the value of
the property. Significantly, the list was
1642. We now know that printed ‘reports’ of occurrences in Ireland had little
to do with actual developments in the country. Rather (besides making money
for the publishers) the ‘reports’ helped bolster parliament’s position in an
escalating constitutional crisis in England in which it, not the king, CharlesI,
could pose as the architect of a new political and military understanding with
the Covenanter regime in Scotland. Its propaganda had no place for news of
Anglo-Scottish hostilities in Ireland as Anglo-Scottish relations on the British