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Alistair Cole

pragmatic rather than principled in the first place. They had evolved in an arbitrary and haphazard matter, usually reflecting different traditions within Whitehall departments. Rawlings (2003) diagnoses four basic principles underpinning the Welsh model of executive devolution enshrined in the 1998 Government of Wales Act. These are the vertical division of law-making powers; the horizontal division between secondary and primary law-making powers; the overlapping of powers with central government and the evolutionary character of the devolution process. Through the

in Beyond devolution and decentralisation
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Constructing a Gibraltarian identity
Stephen Constantine

absurd to imply that the ebbing of formal British control over what had once been a quarter of the world’s land surface left behind no residue. One huge legacy from the ‘British World’ has been institutions, and in particular instruments of government and administration. The emphasis placed on law courts, law making and legal administration in this study should have been sufficient to make plain the fact that these institutional features and these forms of administrative practice were early introduced into Gibraltar. Law, properly formulated by ordinances and orders

in Community and identity
Adam Elliott-Cooper

other, they will advocate a highly politicised response. Special powers will be introduced to police public events, utilising new technologies such as facial recognition and the monitoring of social media to collect evidence on large numbers of participants.3 Politicians and police will advise judges to hand out harsher sentences, with separation between law making and the courts being denied even the customary lip service.4 Opinion pieces and talking heads will lament the decline of British values or civic responsibilities, longing for the fantasy of a British past

in I Refuse to Condemn
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Myrto Tsakatika

formalised in the Constitutional Treaty and has made it to the Lisbon Treaty. The new role of national parliaments in safeguarding subsidiarity, thus constituting an extra accountability check on the initiatives of the European Commission, has not only been reiterated but slightly strengthened in the Lisbon Treaty. Moving to QMV as a default procedure with exceptions in very few policy areas represents a major step in simplification and clarity in the Union’s law-making, which is a positive point for identifiability. In other cases, the Constitutional Treaty introduced new

in Political responsibility and the European Union
Philip Norton

expertise to be involved in the law-making process. 75% 19% 1% 6% At least half the members of the House of Lords should be elected so that the upper chamber of Parliament has democratic legitimacy. 72% 21% 1% 7% If both Houses of Parliament were elected it would become much harder for governments to get things done since both Houses could claim democratic legitimacy and neither would be willing to back down, bringing the risk of frequent stalemate. 56% 33% <1% 10% Source:  Populus, April 2006. The responses are

in Reform of the House of Lords
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Philip Norton

degree of independence from electoral politics and allows people with a broad range of experience and expertise to be involved in the law-making process.’ Supporters of the existing House thus have grounds for claiming some public recognition of the work of the House and a desire not to lose the attributes that enable it to fulfil its work effectively. Those wishing to retain the existing House also raise the issue of cost. Having an appointed House, it is argued, saves public money. There are two dimensions to this. One is simply in terms of running costs: the House

in Reform of the House of Lords
Bill Jones

. Public relations . Government has a large public relations machine at its disposal to counter or discredit messages which go against its interests. Alastair Campbell, for example, in his fight with the BBC in 2003, was ruthless in using every trick in the book to ‘win’ his side of the battle. The law . Thatcher’s government changed the law so that unions could have their funds sequestered if they transgressed new laws on balloting members before strike action. This proved vital in defeating the miners in 1984–85. Labour also passed laws making certain forms of

in British politics today
Open Access (free)
Corpse-work in the prehistory of political boundaries
Richard Kernaghan

circulate, I argue, accentuates the climatic attributes of political time – attributes that must first be sensed before their importance may be grasped. For if the primary 182 Richard Kernaghan purpose of political community is to safeguard relations between subjects, time becomes ‘weather’ precisely when the possibility of property itself is placed in doubt. Questions The blunt touch of Sendero law-making often raised the question of why? Why so violent? Why so uncompromising? Why did they impose such a rigid political programme?6 The movement’s extreme secrecy

in Governing the dead
Nikolaos Voulgaris

further he seems hesitant to attribute ‘autonomous law-making power’ to international organisations whatever that signifies. 32 On the other hand, he puts forward his belief that generally international organisation practice may be relevant, especially in cases when it pertains to activities akin to those undertaken by States, and when States have assigned competence to the international organisation. 33 The aforementioned proposal of the Drafting Committee encapsulates in its generality these ideas and so he proposes no amendments to it. The Commission members

in International organisations, non-State actors, and the formation of customary international law
Hard or soft?
Vivien Schmidt

all in EMU and to opt out of the Social Chapter, although the opt-outs were assumed to be temporary, with opt-ins expected at a later time – as was true for the Social Chapter, into which Blair opted in 1997. Had the Maastricht Treaty not done this, it would never have gotten through. But in so doing, it established the legal machinery for the future, with structural differentiation occurring both at the time of law-making and at the time of its application, with the institutions of the EU made available to the selected group of member states going forward with

in The European Union after Brexit