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. Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis the Pious, 814 – 840 (Cambridge, 2009), pp. 166–8; M. Innes, ‘Charlemagne, Justice and Written Law’, in A. Rio (ed.), Law, Custom and Justice (London, 2011), 155–203, p. 168. 37 362 Jinty Nelson no one doing service for God involve himself in secular affairs’; 2 Tim. 2.4). Eventually Charlemagne would ask bishops acutissime how their duties to God and the earthly kingdom could be reconciled.40 In the big book of capitularies, the next big text after Herstal is the Admonitio generalis of March 789. It opened in the form of a
’ – taking counsel, protecting the church, defending widows. But how was the shift away from the late 980s to be presented? Not as repentance. Æthelred was to be no Louis the Pious, though the actions from which he was now turning were less serious than those which prompted Attigny. 71 Instead Æthelred (or his spokesmen) invoked the metaphor of the human body and its life-cycle, a process of natural change and development. Such a metaphor had special relevance in a decade when royal family inheritance and the emergence of the king’s sons had brought royal youth back to
Louis the Pious and Judith in 834. Walahfrid repeatedly praises his bravery and especially his loyalty to his domini . Such behaviour merits earthly fame and heavenly reward: Just as the man aware of his treachery wastes away, his breast racked by its poison, so, or rather much more, may those who have
much to stimulate was able to read of his glorious accomplishments – the new Christian Caesar. When the Capetians replaced the Carolingians as rulers of France in 987, they insisted they were merely continuing Charlemagne’s work and many of them married Carolingians to legitimize their link with the past. Einhard’s Life of Munitions_03_Chap4-10 59 4/11/03, 8:26 Propaganda in the Middle Ages 60 Charlemagne was written in about 850 to provide a model of how kingship should work just at the time when Louis the Pious’ reign was going wrong. In fact
rivers. Following negotiation with the rulers, these merchants settled with their families. There are extant documents of privilege granted to the Jews as early as the reign of Emperor Louis the Pious between 814 and 825, and thereafter, during the period of the emperors Otto. Otto I (962–73), and Otto II (973–83), developed the cities along the length of the River Rhine, placing at their heads bishops whom they made branches of their rule.15 Thus, by the end of the eleventh century, Magdeburg and Merseburg on the Elbe, Mainz, Cologne, Worms, and Speyer on the Rhine
every five hides was bound to go to war in the event of a royal expedition. 43 We cannot be sure that such norms were always applied in practice, but rulers and their courts had an interest in enforcing their demands, since gathering armies was not always easy. 44 Louis the Pious was forced to postpone an expedition to Brittany in 824 because of a famine – a real threat to a ruler’s military capabilities. 45 Frankish central power sometimes became obsessed with details at the local level, as is visible in a normative text from 829: here, so-called missi dominici
make it possible to conduct a historical analysis of their community, and the relations between them and the Christians. The Carolingian kings considered the Jews a positive populating element that must be looked after and protected. In the first half of the ninth century, Emperor Louis the Pious (814–840) granted privileges to individual Jewish merchants and their families. 12 He undertook to guarantee
was made expertly, if obliquely, by Einhard. In commemorating the deeds of Charlemagne during the reign of his son, Einhard was inviting his audience to draw a comparison with Louis the Pious – there is thus a barb to his observation that Charlemagne’s actions were ‘scarcely capable of imitation’ (vix imitabiles actus).173 Paschasius Radbertus, too, was well aware of the potential consequences of such comparison but, in his case, he makes the point explicit: ‘because … people think they are disparaged when they hear others praised, there now exists no place to speak
Sirmondians 1–18 was at Lyons in the ninth century, where it was corrected by Florus himself. As part of the dispute between Louis the Pious and Bishop Agobard over the forced conversion of the slaves and children of the Jews of Lyons in the 820s, Florus compiled a set of authorities, 53 whose only Roman legal content comprised extracts from five of these Sirmondians (nos. 1, 3, 6, 11, 15) plus a sixth text (known as Sirmondian 20), possibly once present in this manuscript, but certainly known from another probable Lyons manuscript. 54 These same authorities, with the
. 1 ‘There’, i.e. Aachen, and ‘he’, i.e. Louis the Pious, are references back to the entry for 829 in the RFA. For the AB as the continuation of the RFA , see above, Introduction: 5. 2 On relations between Brittany and the Carolingian Empire, see Davies 1990; Smith 1992
