, low-level violence perpetrated by non-stateactors
that ranges from criminality and lawlessness, to communal violence and
electoral violence, and in some cases results in fatality rates similar
to during the war.
This chapter examines the function and purpose of such
violence in the aftermath of civil wars, with a particular focus on
Liberia, South Sudan and Cambodia. These three countries experienced
sanctuary city movement in Ontario well before Toronto adopted Access T.O., Randy K. Lippert showed that churches and other non-stateactors deployed a host of governmental logics in exercising sovereign power over migrants, describing this practice as ‘sovereignty from below’ (Lippert, 2006 ).
Different as they are, all of these perspectives see the city as a dynamic social space within which a plurality of normative orders coexist and compete with each other (McDonald, 1997 ). The sheer scale and scope of this legal or normative pluralism
approaches that claimed replicability and predictability.
However, according to what is by now a familiar
historiographical narrative, the dissolution of the USSR, the rising
significance of non-stateactors, and the broadening of the security
agenda beyond state-centred militarism set the conditions for new
understandings of security threats (Buzan et al., 1998 ; Buzan and Hansen, 2009 ). Since
the end of
analyses Hezbollah's recognition claims directed at three different audiences, that is, the Lebanese people, regional actors and publics, and the international community and particularly Western states, and traces Hezbollah's discursive strategy with regard to acts it perceives as mis-recognition. It thereby aims at investigating how hybrid recognition practices may impact armed non-stateactors’ (ANSAs’) identity construction and, in the long run, conflict dynamics.
By hybrid recognition, I refer to the simultaneous occurrence of
By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this
volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of
violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities
across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications
of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the
study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical
significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the
myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and
non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the
Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex
than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance.
Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale
violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum,
ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was
privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early
modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent
forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in
activities not officially classed as war.
Anglo-American relief during the Hamidian massacres, 1894–98
, which would combine openness and multilateral international relations through state and non-stateactors. As such, the relief movement for Armenians can be identified as a pivotal point in international history, posing a challenge to the common assumption that such ideals emerged only in the context of the First World War. 85
1 Papers of J. R. Harris, Cadbury Library, Birmingham, DA/21/1/1/26, f. 171. See also ‘Armenia’, The Parents’ Review , VII (1896), 681–4.
2 S. Deringil, ‘“The Armenian Question Is Finally Closed”: Mass Conversions of
combatants and families.’ 36 For Hizbullah, then, there is a clear delineation of the various political phenomena it is facing. On the one hand, there is a regional situation legislated by realist politics and in which states and non-stateactors interact. On the other, there is a cultural or ideological battle being fought against an enemy that puts into question the ideological foundation not just of an Islamic political group such as Hizbullah but the Shia sect at large. Facing the enemy involves a fierce media-related battle to reclaim the legacy of the Prophet and
Promoting inclusivity in the mediation of the Intergovernmental Authority
on Development in South Sudan
shown that armed non-stateactors (ANSAs) excluded in the negotiations may become spoilers of the peace process by resorting to or intensifying violence in order to derail the ongoing negotiations or the implementation of the peace agreement (Blaydes and de Maio 2010 ). Meanwhile, civil society participation in the peace process has been linked to a more sustainable peace agreement (Paffenholz 2014a ; Paffenholz and Ross 2015 ; Wanis-St John 2008 ) and hence their exclusion contributed to the collapse of the peace. Secondly and relatedly, the IGAD-led mediation
’ (Vogt et al. 2015: 1331 ). This political exclusion and active non-recognition is a major cause for political resistance and a significant factor for the violent escalation of conflicts by armed non-stateactors (ANSAs) (Cederman et al. 2010, 2011 ). The analysis of (non-)recognition processes is therefore significant for a better understanding of how conflicts evolve and can be settled.
When it comes to granting or revoking recognition of domestic groups, governments are the principal actors as they have the direct power to accept a separation
The volume explores a question that sheds light on the contested, but largely cooperative, nature of Arctic governance in the post-Cold War period: How do power relations matter – and how have they mattered – in shaping cross-border cooperation and diplomacy in the Arctic? Through carefully selected case studies – from Russia’s role in the Arctic Council to the diplomacy of indigenous peoples’ organisations – this book seeks to shed light on how power performances are enacted constantly to shore up Arctic cooperation in key ways. The conceptually driven nature of the enquiry makes the book appropriate reading for courses in international relations and political geography, while the carefully selected case studies lend themselves to courses on Arctic politics.