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Jasmine-Kim Westendorf

, low-level violence perpetrated by non-state actors that ranges from criminality and lawlessness, to communal violence and electoral violence, and in some cases results in fatality rates similar to during the war. This chapter examines the function and purpose of such violence in the aftermath of civil wars, with a particular focus on Liberia, South Sudan and Cambodia. These three countries experienced

in Violence and the state
Sanctuary and security in Toronto, Canada
Graham Hudson

sanctuary city movement in Ontario well before Toronto adopted Access T.O., Randy K. Lippert showed that churches and other non-state actors deployed a host of governmental logics in exercising sovereign power over migrants, describing this practice as ‘sovereignty from below’ (Lippert, 2006 ). Different as they are, all of these perspectives see the city as a dynamic social space within which a plurality of normative orders coexist and compete with each other (McDonald, 1997 ). The sheer scale and scope of this legal or normative pluralism

in Sanctuary cities and urban struggles
Daniel Stevens and Nick Vaughan-Williams

approaches that claimed replicability and predictability. However, according to what is by now a familiar historiographical narrative, the dissolution of the USSR, the rising significance of non-state actors, and the broadening of the security agenda beyond state-centred militarism set the conditions for new understandings of security threats (Buzan et al., 1998 ; Buzan and Hansen, 2009 ). Since the end of

in Everyday security threats
Hanna Pfeifer

analyses Hezbollah's recognition claims directed at three different audiences, that is, the Lebanese people, regional actors and publics, and the international community and particularly Western states, and traces Hezbollah's discursive strategy with regard to acts it perceives as mis-recognition. It thereby aims at investigating how hybrid recognition practices may impact armed non-state actors’ (ANSAs’) identity construction and, in the long run, conflict dynamics. By hybrid recognition, I refer to the simultaneous occurrence of

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.

Anglo-American relief during the Hamidian massacres, 1894–98
Stéphanie Prévost

, which would combine openness and multilateral international relations through state and non-state actors. As such, the relief movement for Armenians can be identified as a pivotal point in international history, posing a challenge to the common assumption that such ideals emerged only in the context of the First World War. 85 Notes 1 Papers of J. R. Harris, Cadbury Library, Birmingham, DA/21/1/1/26, f. 171. See also ‘Armenia’, The Parents’ Review , VII (1896), 681–4. 2 S. Deringil, ‘“The Armenian Question Is Finally Closed”: Mass Conversions of

in Aid to Armenia
Politico-legal manoeuvres and political Islam
Bashir Saade

combatants and families.’ 36 For Hizbullah, then, there is a clear delineation of the various political phenomena it is facing. On the one hand, there is a regional situation legislated by realist politics and in which states and non-state actors interact. On the other, there is a cultural or ideological battle being fought against an enemy that puts into question the ideological foundation not just of an Islamic political group such as Hizbullah but the Shia sect at large. Facing the enemy involves a fierce media-related battle to reclaim the legacy of the Prophet and

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Promoting inclusivity in the mediation of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development in South Sudan
Jamie Pring

shown that armed non-state actors (ANSAs) excluded in the negotiations may become spoilers of the peace process by resorting to or intensifying violence in order to derail the ongoing negotiations or the implementation of the peace agreement (Blaydes and de Maio 2010 ). Meanwhile, civil society participation in the peace process has been linked to a more sustainable peace agreement (Paffenholz 2014a ; Paffenholz and Ross 2015 ; Wanis-St John 2008 ) and hence their exclusion contributed to the collapse of the peace. Secondly and relatedly, the IGAD-led mediation

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Mitja Sienknecht

’ (Vogt et al. 2015: 1331 ). This political exclusion and active non-recognition is a major cause for political resistance and a significant factor for the violent escalation of conflicts by armed non-state actors (ANSAs) (Cederman et al. 2010, 2011 ). The analysis of (non-)recognition processes is therefore significant for a better understanding of how conflicts evolve and can be settled. When it comes to granting or revoking recognition of domestic groups, governments are the principal actors as they have the direct power to accept a separation

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Open Access (free)
Power in cross-border Cooperation

The volume explores a question that sheds light on the contested, but largely cooperative, nature of Arctic governance in the post-Cold War period: How do power relations matter – and how have they mattered – in shaping cross-border cooperation and diplomacy in the Arctic? Through carefully selected case studies – from Russia’s role in the Arctic Council to the diplomacy of indigenous peoples’ organisations – this book seeks to shed light on how power performances are enacted constantly to shore up Arctic cooperation in key ways. The conceptually driven nature of the enquiry makes the book appropriate reading for courses in international relations and political geography, while the carefully selected case studies lend themselves to courses on Arctic politics.