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Abstract only
Liene Ozoliņa

merely passing’ under various political regimes. In the previous chapter I interrogated the The anxious subject 61 waiting that was both stigmatised and produced by austerity policies and workfare programmes. In this chapter, I wish to probe further how the post-Soviet politics of waiting and catching up have both shaped one’s sense of self and been enabled by particular forms of subjectivity. As Veena Das asks to this end, ‘What is the work that time does in the creation of the subject?’ (2007: 95). She notes that, for her interlocutors, time appears as having an

in Politics of waiting
Dworkin on the insurance market
Chris Armstrong

‘wasted’ (2000: 5). Nevertheless, he accepts that choices cannot have any value for individuals unless they personally identify with them (see MacLeod 2003: 139). Thus whilst some of the liberal egalitarians he has influenced use similar arguments to argue for ‘quasi-paternalist’ policies such as workfare schemes (see e.g. Arneson 1997a), Dworkin seems to reject paternalism in principle. But whilst Dworkin is officially concerned to avoid paternalism, his insurance model does clearly take him all the way towards a ‘new’-paternalist position. Indeed, many of Dworkin

in Rethinking Equality
Louise Amoore

). There is an underlying assumption that welfare and active labour market policies must be limited in order that there may be no disincentives to take on ‘flexible’ work: ‘To ensure that most participants are poor and to maintain incentives for workers to move on to regular work when it becomes available, programs should pay no more than the average wage for unskilled labor’ (World Bank, 2001: 156). This example, drawn from the World Bank’s ‘principles of successful workfare programmes’, demonstrates the market-centred logic of the flexibility discourse. Taken to its

in Globalisation contested
The restructuring of work in Germany
Louise Amoore

state-societies (Giddens, 1998). Gerhard Schröder’s apparent embracing of the individualism and ‘workfare’ (Jessop, 1994) strategy of Blair’s ‘Third Way’ in his ‘Neue Mitte’ concept may be read as indicative of an acceptance of the necessary restructuring imperatives of a global economy. Yet, when we explore the debate taking place within and outside German state-society it becomes clear that the representation of Germany as a rigid and inflexible political economy in need of radical restructuring is by no means uncontested. An effective counter to neo-liberal claims

in Globalisation contested
An overview
Joe Larragy

. This is particularly marked in the terms of Partnership 2000 and the Programme for Prosperity and Fairness – when the Pillar was, arguably, at its zenith. The Partnership 2000 (1996) agreement included almost €1 billion in tax cuts, both meeting business interests and appeasing the trade unions with net wage gains in exchange for moderate gross wage growth. However, social spending was to be raised by €500 million; the Commission on Social Welfare (CSW) recommended minimum rates were finally conceded. The Pillar managed to stave off workfare-­style policies and won

in Asymmetric engagement
Edward Ashbee

benefits should be conditional upon the fulfilment of obligations, the basis of workfare schemes whereby a claimant undertakes training or goes on a work placement in return for public assistance. Others were drawn to Charles Murray’s claims, spelled out in his 1984 book Losing Ground, about the relationship between welfare benefits and poverty and well as illegitimacy by creating perverse incentives that undermined self-effort. Fourth, civic conservatism assuaged the concerns of those within the ranks of the Right who had reservations about the untrammelled market

in The Right and the recession
How displaced people are made into ‘migrants’
Kirsten Forkert, Federico Oliveri, Gargi Bhattacharyya, and Janna Graham

2017, under the centre-left government, of ‘social useful activities’ (in other words, workfare) on asylum 171 How media and conflicts make migrants seekers as a contribution owed to the receiving society. This move has been denounced by many NGOs and by migrants themselves. Our participants saw this as a morally dubious obligation to accept unpaid labour in order to show gratefulness and gain acceptance: They [the operators of the centre] said we have to show our willingness to integrate and work as volunteers to clean streets and buildings. So, they said, we

in How media and conflicts make migrants
Mark Harvey and Norman Geras

one’s labour. We cannot give a detailed empirical account here, but these fiscal and legal frameworks have continuously co-evolved alongside, and in interaction with, the emergent economic organisation of relations of exchange, differentially affecting both the gendering of that compulsion and child labour, as well as the exchange of labour in general. And of course, this politicised compulsion to exchange is still changing to this day, and doing so in radically different ways, even across European economies of labour (for example, ‘workfare’). The dynamics of

in Inequality and Democratic Egalitarianism
Abstract only
Labour migration policy change in the UK
Alex Balch

stance in the case of social policy. The UK welfare state is generally seen as relatively weak and marketoriented or liberal (Esping-Andersen 1999), but there has been a difference of emphasis between Conservative and Labour governments over reform. The former 1979–97 era was characterised by an attitude of ‘workfare’ or welfare to work, and post-1997, Labour chose a more active strategy of ‘making work pay’ through such instruments as tax ‘credits’ and the minimum wage (Daguerre and Taylor-Gooby 2003: 631). Immigration trends The UK has a longer history of inward

in Managing labour migration in Europe