The European scramble for colonies in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was driven by rather more than the interests of an elite, aristocratic and bourgeois. This book is about the 'colonisation of consciousness'. It surveys in comparative form the transmission of imperial ideas to the public in six European countries in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The book offers six case studies on France, Britain, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany and Italy, providing parallel studies of the manner in which colonial ambitions and events in the respective European empires were given wider popular visibility. The book demonstrates the inter-war years that saw the stepping up of imperial propaganda throughout the surviving imperial powers. Inspired by the directions of research pioneered by John MacKenzie, specialists of the French Empire started to combine methodologies from social and cultural history to revise the perception of French popular imperialism. Germany's imperialism is analysed along the axes of mobility and migration, 'race' and the sciences, commodities and markets, the missions and imperialist social formations, and the vast field of popular culture. What sets popular imperialism in Belgium apart from others is the remarkable yet ironic reverence reserved for Leopold II. Power rivalries, ingenious if tricky diplomacy, and Leopold's tenacity resulted in recognition of his rule over much of the Congo around the time of the Berlin conference. So far as the peoples of Europe were concerned, the imperial experience helped, paradoxically, to further 'Eurocentrism' and install the naturalisation of Europeanness as 'whiteness'.
In mid-sixteenth-century England, many figures celebrated the achievements of the nation's few female humanists. This book is a study of five remarkable sixteenth-century women. It contextualizes the evidence of the sisters' reading, evaluates it against the prescription for both their male and female contemporaries, and discusses the role of the sisters themselves in directing their reading. Drawing particularly on the sisters' own writings, it demonstrates that the sisters' education extended far beyond that normally allowed for sixteenth-century women. The book challenges the view that women in this period were excluded from using their formal education to practical effect. The evidence of the Cooke sisters' political activities contributes to scholarship on later Tudor political culture. The Cooke sisters' classical learning allowed them opportunities with the written word, particularly in their activities as translators and poets. The book argues that the sisters were able to turn to their humanist education to provide them with strategies for bolstering their advice, particularly over issues of politics and religion, the most contentious areas for female counsel. It looks at the political agency demonstrated in Cooke sisters' correspondence by letters, demonstrating female detailed understanding of and contribution to issues central to Elizabethan politics. The contribution of the Cooke sisters provides another perspective on the key issues of Elizabethan diplomacy, the Queen's marriage and the political divisions of the 1590s. The book also offers a warning against the methodology of past research on the stereotype of the learned woman.
Post-match recovery and analysis 243
Post-match recovery and analysis: concluding
thoughts on sport and diplomacy
Aaron Beacom and J. Simon Rofe
This concluding chapter reflects on the themes that have been identified in the book
and sets out some thoughts on those that relate to the future nexus of diplomacy and
sport. It begins by revisiting, in light of arguments presented in this book, the reciprocal benefits of investigating international sport and researching the reconfiguration
of diplomatic practice. From there, it focuses down on the key themes
Diplomacy is about handling the Other. Whether it is defined as ‘the transmitting of messages between one independent political community and another’ (Bull 1977 : 164), ‘the conduct of business between states by peaceful means’ (Satow 1979 : 3) or ‘the mediation of estrangement’ (Der Derian 1987 ), the overall theme is one of establishing settings where possible conflict and cooperation may play out, and establishing ways in which to play. Traditionally, students of diplomacy looked mainly at negotiation games and their outcomes. In the phrase of G.M. Young
The book explores Carter’s human rights policy and its contradictory impact on
US–Soviet affairs. It argues that the administration envisioned its approach to
the Soviet Union as moving along two interdependent tracks that were supposed to
form a “virtuous circle”. On the one side, the United States aimed to renew its
ideological challenge to the USSR through human rights and to persuade the
Soviets to ease internal repression in order to strengthen Congressional support
for détente and arms control. On the other, continuing the bipolar dialogue, the
administration aimed to promote human rights further in the USSR. Contrary to
what he envisioned, Carter was caught between Scylla and Charybdis. The more
vigorously the White House pursued human rights in bipolar relations, the more
the Soviets lost interest in détente; the more the administration relegated
human rights to quiet diplomacy, the more critics within the United States
accused the president of abandoning his commitment to human rights. Trapped in
this contradiction, Carter’s human rights policy did not build domestic support
for arms control and worsened bipolar relations. In the end, the White House
lost the opportunity to stabilize bipolar relations and the domestic support
Carter had managed to garner in 1976. Critics of détente, helped by the Iran
hostage crisis and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, defeated him.
The English language has three tenses in the realis mood. The previous chapters have been devoted to two of them, past and present, and the following and final chapter will look at the third, the future. However, in addition to the realis mood, there is also the irrealis mood, which charts what might have been, might exist elsewhere, might come – that is, what is not (yet) real. This matters to our understanding of diplomacy, for most people will only experience diplomacy second hand, be that through news media (a realis genre) or through sundry
This book traces discussions about international relations from the middle ages up to the present times. It presents central concepts in historical context and shows how ancient ideas still affect the way we perceive world politics. It discusses medieval theologians like Augustine and Aquinas whose rules of war are still in use. It presents Renaissance humanists like Machiavelli and Bodin who developed our understanding of state sovereignty. It argues that Enlightenment philosophers like Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau laid the basis for the modern analyses of International Relations (IR). Later thinkers followed up with balance-of-power models, perpetual-peace projects and theories of exploitation as well as peaceful interdependence. Classic IR theories have then been steadily refined by later thinkers – from Marx, Mackinder and Morgenthau to Waltz, Wallerstein and Wendt. The book shows that core ideas of IR have been shaped by major events in the past and that they have often reflected the concerns of the great powers. It also shows that the most basic ideas in the field have remained remarkably constant over the centuries.
The turbulent diplomatic events of September 1938 aroused substantial public excitement, yet the ‘public’, the ‘people’, the ‘material’ and the ‘popular’ have hitherto been marginalised within a vast historiography dominated by traditional perspectives. Indeed, the most neglected aspects of this ‘model’ crisis – despite the abundance of sources – are the social, cultural, material and emotional, as well as public opinion, an oversight addressed in this collection. The book will also internationalise the original ‘Munich moment’, as existing studies are overwhelmingly Anglo- and Western-centric. It provides a corrective to the long-standing proclivity to consider the Munich Crisis almost exclusively from the viewpoint of politicians and diplomats. The original ‘moment’ will thus be analysed from a variety of relatively unchartered perspectives. Popular responses to the crisis will be prominent, comparing collective responses to individual ones, teasing out its psychological and emotional dimensions, allowing a more holistic and ‘emotional’ history to emerge. The variety of contributions provides an international breadth that is unprecedented in the existing literature, with chapters focusing not only on Britain but also Czechoslovakia, Hungary, the United States, Italy, Germany, France and the Soviet Union. It also furnishes a broader reflection on the status of our discipline, accentuating the benefits of exploring many of the hitherto under-scrutinised issues exposed by the ‘cultural’ and ‘emotional’ turns. The Munich Crisis will thus receive a thorough re-examination that moves beyond those formulaic and Anglo-centric analyses that fixate on positioning the (overwhelmingly male) practitioners of ‘high’ politics as either ‘appeasers’ or ‘anti-appeasers’.
Human rights and humanitarian diplomacy takes place on many different levels and through a variety of channels. Previous chapters have explored how states, IGOs, and NGOs institutionally conduct diplomacy to advance human rights and humanitarian principles. Prominent individuals working for these institutions, or who have taken high profile public stances, have been discussed in tandem to show the importance of individuals in defining and advancing respect for international human rights and principles. This chapter is devoted to the human rights and
Gamal Abdel Nasser, Tito signed the Declaration of Brioni in July 1956, giving birth to the Non-Aligned Movement organization (NAM). 8
Yugoslavia became a top priority for Washington’s public diplomacy creators after 1950. First the Truman and then the Eisenhower administrations adopted a policy of ‘keeping Tito afloat.’ The State Department policymakers coined the term ‘wedge strategy’ to indicate the foreign relations approach to Yugoslavia. The strategy consisted in supporting Yugoslav nationalism to instigate divisions between the Soviet Union and other