Donnacha Ó Beacháin

Fermanagh, Cahir Healy, whether Brooke’s speech represented government policy, Prime Minister Craig told Parliament 40 From Partition to Brexit that Brooke had spoken ‘as a Member of His Majesty’s Government’ and that ‘there is not one of my colleagues who does not entirely agree with him’.5 As it was clear that it was government policy to guarantee that only those deemed loyal prospered in Northern Ireland, Patrick O’Neill asked Craig how the loyalty of an individual could be tested, to which the Prime Minister replied: There are ways of finding that out. The

in From Partition to Brexit
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National traditions and political dilemmas
Ben Wellings

nationalism: that all our intellectual firepower is facing in the wrong direction and is over-concentrated on the UK-context alone when it should be alive to a wider set of possibilities; a point reinforced by Michael Kenny (Aughey, 2013 : 115; Kenny, 2014 : 132). National traditions and the legitimisation of British sovereignty If the ideas of absence and abnormality are only partially helpful in explaining English nationalism (and indeed fell away in the years preceding Brexit), this section argues that examining the political traditions that animate

in English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere
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England and the defence of British sovereignty
Ben Wellings

in our island history’ because voters would soon be asked ‘what sort of country we want to live in and bequeath to those who come after us’ ( Daily Mail , 2016 ). This rhetorical ghost dating from the outbreak of the Second World War linked Brexit with that existential struggle and – although the article went on the say that ‘England’ of course meant ‘Britain’ – highlighted the place of an English historical and national imaginary in the campaign to get the United Kingdom out of the European Union. This was not a new development. In 2006 Oliver Daddow noted that

in English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere
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England’s shared exceptionalism
Ben Wellings

interpreted and enacted by executive government, raised the question of who was in charge after the Brexit vote. Magna Carta may have been England’s ‘gift to the world’, but as it turned 801 the Kingdom was once against discontented as the body politic searched for new rules of engaging with itself and the wider world. Chapter 4 develops the idea of the importance of English constitutional history as a link between English nationalism, Euroscepticism and the Anglosphere. It argues that England’s constitutional development of serves as a point of commonality

in English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere
Who governs?
Philip Norton

give notification of withdrawal. This led to a legal challenge on the grounds that it required parliamentary approval as rights previously granted by Parliament could only be withdrawn by Parliament. The high court, in Miller , upheld the challenge, and on appeal the decision was confirmed by the supreme court. 20 The case proved highly controversial, supporters of Brexit viewing it as an attempt by opponents of withdrawal to thwart the UK leaving the EU. One national newspaper branded the three high court judges who heard the case as ‘enemies of the people’. In

in Governing Britain
Anna Killick

long-held values of fear of the ‘Other’ and socio-cultural resistance to change. The survey evidence shows that. Someone speculates whether that opposition to migration might have been in part economic. He says ‘maybe Leave voters believed migration would damage the economy?’ Another political scientist responds, ‘they might have done, but they were wrong’. [Laughter.] In Brexit Britain, how do people understand the term ‘the economy?’ In this concluding chapter I draw together the evidence from the fieldwork. I first describe the two dominant understandings

in Rigged
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Brexit and Northern Ireland

This book argues that Brexit is the most significant event in the political history of Northern Ireland since partition in 1921. It explains why Brexit presents unique challenges for Northern Ireland and why the future of the Irish border is so significant for the peace process.

The book assesses the impact of the Brexit referendum in June 2016 and subsequent negotiations between the UK government and the EU on the 1998 Good Friday Agreement and on political stability in Northern Ireland. It explores the way in which Brexit brought contested political identities back into the foreground of political debate in Northern Ireland and how the future of the Irish border became an emblem for conflicting British and Irish visions of the future.

The book argues that Brexit is breaking peace in Northern Ireland by underlining and reviving the binary identities of Britishness and Irishness that had been more malleable under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. It demonstrates how the Brexit negotiations have undermined the key pillars of the Good Friday Agreement and wider peace process in Northern Ireland; the ‘consent’ principle; the right to self-define national identity as British, Irish or both; and through the steady decline in Anglo-Irish relations since 2016.

In 2021 Northern Ireland will commemorate its centenary, but Brexit, more than any other event in that 100-year history, has jeopardised its very existence.

Germans as aliens in post- war British popular culture
Judith Vonberg

This chapter is concerned with post-war British perceptions of Germany. It is argued that by continuing to locate Germanness as the alien Other to Britishness in the post-war period, Britons could hold on to a secure sense of British identity and unity forged in wartime. Many post-war British novels, films and comic strips depicted Germans as alien to all humanity. While the 1960 film Sink the Bismarck! epitomises this tradition, the 1957 box-office hit The One That Got Away, starring the German actor Hardy Krüger and based on the true story of the prisoner of war Franz von Werra, challenged the stereotype. The fact that the dashing and good-looking Krüger exhibited character traits considered typical of British heroes, such as daring, wit and resourcefulness, led to uneasy and ambivalent responses in audiences and critics. Twelve years after the war, the humanness of Germans could still only be acknowledged in British popular culture as an anomaly.

in The road to Brexit
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Understanding 'the economy' in Brexit Britain
Author: Anna Killick

Most people find it hard to define ‘the economy’ beyond saying it is ‘to do with money’. This book explores what ‘the economy’ means to people’s lives in Brexit Britain and what goes through their minds when they hear politicians talking about it. Through research with people from a range of backgrounds in a city on the sSouth coast of England conducted between 2016 and 2018, it reveals what they understand about key aspects of ‘the economy’, including employment, austerity, trade and the economic effects of migration.

The book comes at a crucial point. There is widespread commentary that those who support Leave attach less importance to ‘the economy’ than those who support Remain. However, political scientists have neglected research into what the term ‘the economy’ means to people. This book suggests that it is a less neutral term, based on shared goals, than it has been in the past. While high- income participants, regardless of their political beliefs or referendum vote, tend to feel connected to what could be described as the official version of ‘the economy’, lower- income participants feel less connected and see both ‘the economy’ and economic expertise as ‘rigged’. These changes are not just the result of the Brexit debate but have longer- term roots. The book highlights the value of political ethnographic methods for researching nebulous concepts such as this one. It will be of interest to a general and political science audience and contributes to debates in political behaviour and political economy.

Has illiberalism brought the West to the brink of collapse?
Series: Pocket Politics

The West of which we speak is defined by the values of liberal democracy, individual freedom, human rights, tolerance and equality under the rule of law. This book explores how Islamist terror and Russian aggression as companion threats to the West when terrorists target Russia as well as the United States and its allies. The threats posed by Islamist terror and Russian aggression present themselves in very different ways. In the time of transatlantic traumas, the Islamist terrorist threat and the Russian threat have worked diligently and with some success. The book examines the hatred of Islamists towards Western democracies, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union for their involvement in the Middle East politics for several decades. There is no single explanation for the rising popularity of illiberalism in the Western democracies; a combination of factors has produced a general sense of malaise. The book discusses the sources of discontent prevailing in the Western countries, and looks at the rise of Trumpism, Turkey and its Western values as well as the domestic tensions between Turkey's political parties. It suggests a radical centrist populist Western strategy could be applied to deal with the threats and challenges, reinvigorating the Western system. The book also touches upon suggestions relating to illiberalism in Europe, Turkey's drift away from the West, and the Brexit referendum.