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From an ‘infrastructural turn’ to the platform logics of logistics
Michael Keith and Andreza Aruska de Souza Santos

finished the volume (and rewrote this conclusion) some time after the research was completed, at a moment when the COVID-19 global pandemic in the space of three months rewrote the script of normality. What had been normal in daily life, work life, state actions and economic governance was up for grabs. As the pandemic made global connections at a speed rarely anticipated, what happened in Wuhan suddenly became profoundly relevant in Tehran, in Madrid, in Lombardy, London, New York and New Orleans as much as in Cape Town, Kampala, Lagos, Dar es Salaam or Johannesburg

in African cities and collaborative futures
Chris McInerney

the elite’ (Mahbub ul Haq Human Development Centre, 1999). And, despite being developed in a particular context, its architects contend that it offers a ‘norm appropriate to all countries, not just South Asia. It remains an ideal even in mature democracies of the developed countries’ (1999: 28). The Humane Governance approach calls for a three-­pronged strategy to address the needs of: political governance, economic governance and civic governance. Good political governance, therefore, emphasises the rule of law, accountability and transparency and is designed to

in Challenging times, challenging administration
Thomas Prosser

. These events inspired debate about labour movements. Not only was there controversy concerning the achievement of wage moderation by German unions, but division among social democrats was observed; parties in core countries were sometimes accused of indifference to conditions in the periphery. Certain optimists have even revised their positions. In a 2015 work, Erne argued that the technocratic form of European economic governance diminished the likelihood of successful resistance. Literature concerning the Eurozone crisis provides clues as

in European labour movements in crisis
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Security sector reform in transforming societies
Timothy Edmunds

the fighting stops, and their legacies run deeply in the societies affected by them. Mark Duffield and other scholars have argued that the experience of conflict is less about social breakdown and more about the emergence of alternative – generally non-state based – patterns of political and economic governance. 15 In this context, the binary division between ‘war’ and ‘peace’ that the transition

in Security sector reform in transforming societies
Julian Gruin

centre of an ambitious agenda for comprehensive reform of social and economic governance. The SCS provides an insight into the novel mechanisms of ‘algorithmic governance’ (Campbell-Verduyn et al. 2017) that will play an increasingly significant role in underpinning the political-economic stability of China’s authoritarian capitalism. The preliminary plan for a comprehensive SCS was announced in 2014 (PRC State Council 2014) and forms the overarching blueprint of the broader plan of upgrading both social and economic supervision through technological innovation. The

in Communists constructing capitalism
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Splendid isolation?
Thomas Prosser

European Union in the second half of 2011, at a time when the crisis raged particularly strongly, and assumed a critical role in the design of policies which reformed the Eurozone. The governing PO party took this opportunity to mould the EU’s response to the crisis in the image of the centre-right PO’s conservative economic philosophy. The EU economic governance ‘six pack’, designed at the time of the Polish presidency, incorporated points related to debt brakes and the importance of debt levels which reflected long-standing PO concerns. The broader dispositions of PO

in European labour movements in crisis
Tom Gallagher

the irresponsibility of many financial institutions had not been checked by those regulating the eurozone’s financial affairs. The language of political union and economic governance for the eurozone used by Merkel and Draghi (despite his lack of any kind of political mandate) masked the fact that EU decision-makers had no viable strategy for reviving stricken economies. The financial sector had not become a protected zone of the eurozone overnight. Ever since the passing of the Single European Act in 1986, its perceived needs had come to shape the concerns of EU

in Europe’s path to crisis
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Routes away from crisis
Tom Gallagher

financial speculators. The search for a new centralising framework meant to establish economic governance occurs at a sometimes glacial pace because it has to accommodate the perspectives of the various interest groups entrenched in the EU power structure. The impression is given of an oligarchy of interests scrambling to stabilise a project that has badly lost its way. A prominent casualty has been the European values that are supposed to provide solidarity for members in difficulty, but that are now increasingly rhetorical ones. In order for such a nadir to be reached

in Europe’s path to crisis
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Costas Simitis

member state retain its independence in managing its economic matters? Prior to the Greek crisis, efforts to formulate a new regulatory framework had not been effective. Discourse within the Union had for quite some time revolved around some notion of common ‘economic governance’, but the discussion was limited to vague aspirations, and no concrete action had been taken. The immediacy of the Greek problem, therefore, required a solution from within the existing framework. However, any response faced structural challenges in the current acquis communautaire, and risked

in The European debt crisis
The case of the Liberal Democrats
Craig Berry

) enforcement mechanisms are also proposed by the policy document Wealth for the World (Liberal Democrats, 2004b). Some Liberal Democrats were obviously more radical than others in regard to global economic governance. As expected, arguments about ‘universal rights’ and ‘global problems’ intermingled in Liberal Democrats’ national policy documents in relation to these reforms. More interesting is how the nature of institutions such as the UN was conceived by the Liberal Democrats. The UN, in theory and practice, is a multilateral organisation. New Labour seemed to be fairly

in Globalisation and ideology in Britain