community’s understanding of ‘law’ that multiple International Law Commission studies have acknowledged the relevance of the human rights treaty bodies, including the ongoing work on subsequent agreement and subsequent practice in relation to interpretation of treaties, 2 the 2011 Guide to Practice on Reservations to Treaties 3 and its current examination of customary international law.
This chapter proceeds from the accepted notion that internationalorganisations contribute to international lawmaking in a number of ways. 4 Tracking the possibility acknowledged in
diverse contexts of peace and (in)security, including their political significance in these scenarios.
Since 2015, internationalorganisations such as the UN have advanced towards increasing the opportunities and support for young people's involvement peacebuilding endeavours, locally and globally, including, for example, the passage of UN Security Council Resolutions (UNSCR) 2250 (2015) and 2419 (2018) on Youth, Peace and Security. Passed unanimously
different arenas of discussion and governance, helped these figures to align recommendations of local and regional NHS authorities, elite professional bodies, internationalorganisations, and lay-professional and state-sponsored agencies. They thus provided sufficient agreement for managerial recommendations and infrastructures to emerge, and mediated potentially conflicting agendas. 106 Using government funding and activity, certain elite specialists and professional bodies helped set national standards and, through their production of tools for management, sat at the
The (non-)recognition of groups in violent conflicts
The process of recognition establishes a relationship between the subject, who is recognising, and the object, who aims to be recognised. In the realm of world politics, recognition of groups or states is an important tool for states and internationalorganisations (IOs) to distinguish between legitimate and illegitimate actors. Consequently, this relational process is always one that is based on power structures between the one who recognises and the one who is
This book explores the way in which the Anglo-American new world order (NWO) debate changed by 9/11, and the encouragement this has given to the 'neoconservatives' or 'neocons' within the George W. Bush Administration. It examines the policy-making process as it developed before the Versailles Conference of 1919. An extensive literature exists on the 'lessons of Versailles' and particularly on the 'failure' of the League of Nations (LON), one that started even before the signature of the Treaty of Versailles. The book then explores how the Conference and the LON attempted to frame the immediate problems of the post-war period. It shows how NWO architects' thinking developed in what might be called the area of 'global security' from the period of the First World War until the present. The clear evidence is that the American thinking on the NWO had a huge impact in Britain's processes in the same direction. President Theodore Roosevelt shared a deep suspicion of British motives for the post-war settlement in line with most Americans. He attributed blame for the inter-war crisis as much to British and French intransigence and balance of power politics at Versailles as to German aggression. The results of the Versailles settlement hung like a cloud over Allied relationships during the Second World War and gave a powerful impetus in American circles for an attitude of 'never again'. The variety of historical archival material presented provided the background to the current and historical American obsession with creating the world order.
Jarle Trondal, Martin Marcussen, Torbjörn Larsson, and Frode Veggeland
3436 Unpacking internationalorganisations:2833Prelims
Complexity and stability in
The normalisation of IO studies
What happens when people (including civil servants) enter multi-structural,
multi-disciplinary, multi-national and multilingual bureaucracies? The
large majority will initially probably be puzzled by the differences,
idiosyncrasies and novelty. The routines, procedures, justifications and
ways of doing things in international bureaucracies are typically different
from national bureaucracies
This chapter focuses on transnational environmental advocacy networks' (TEANs) criticism on the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) over its role as a political risk guarantor of private sector capital in developing countries that have a negative environmental impact. It investigates how TEANs attempted to influence MIGA again through project campaigns, particularly on the Freeport mine in West Papua. This chapter also explains how identity shapes how international organisations (IOs) internalise international norms and shows how sustainable development norms espoused by TEANs increasingly shape private sector-oriented financial institutions with similar development goals but distinct professional identities.
The consumer co-operative movement was one of the most important popular movements in inter-war Europe, but remains under-researched by historians in comparison to other social movements, especially with regard to its international dimensions. From 1895, the co-operative movement also had its own international organisation, the International Co-operative Alliance (ICA). This book explores the transnational history of consumer co-operation from the establishment of the movement in the second half of the nineteenth century to the outbreak of the Second World War, focusing in particular on co-operation in the Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden). The co-operative movement was especially strong throughout the region and the Nordic co-operative federations played a prominent role in the ICA. The fundamental question explored in the book concerns the meaning of co-operation: was it a social movement or an economic enterprise? Did it aspire to challenge capitalism or to reform it? Did it contain at its heart a political vision for the transformation of society or was it simply a practical guide for organising a business? I argue that it was both, but that an examination of the debates over the different meanings of co-operation can also illuminate broader questions about the emergence of consumer interests in the first half of the twentieth century, especially in a transnational context. Studying the Nordic co-operative movement also helps to shed light on the growing international interest in this region and the emergence of a Nordic “middle way” during the 1930s.
Through a study of diabetes care in post-war Britain, this book is the first historical monograph to explore the emergence of managed medicine within the National Health Service. Much of the extant literature has cast the development of systems for structuring and reviewing clinical care as either a political imposition in pursuit of cost control or a professional reaction to state pressure. By contrast, Managing Diabetes, Managing Medicine argues that managerial medicine was a co-constructed venture between profession and state. Despite possessing diverse motives – and though clearly influenced by post-war Britain’s rapid political, technological, economic, and cultural changes – general practitioners (GPs), hospital specialists, national professional and patient bodies, a range of British government agencies, and influential international organisations were all integral to the creation of managerial systems in Britain. By focusing on changes within the management of a single disease at the forefront of broader developments, this book ties together innovations across varied sites at different scales of change, from the very local programmes of single towns to the debates of specialists and professional leaders in international fora. Drawing on a broad range of archival materials, published journals, and medical textbooks, as well as newspapers and oral histories, Managing Diabetes, Managing Medicine not only develops fresh insights into the history of managed healthcare, but also contributes to histories of the NHS, medical professionalism, and post-war government more broadly.
The reconstruction of Kosovo after 1999 was one of the largest and most ambitious international interventions in a post conflict country. Kosovo was seen by many international actors as a ‘green fields’ site on which to construct the government institutions and practices they considered necessary for future peace and prosperity. For a while Kosovo was close to being a laboratory for the practice of institution building and capacity development. This book looks beyond the apparently united and generally self congratulatory statements of international organisations and donors to examine what actually happened when they tried to work together in Kosovo to construct a new public administration. It considers the interests and motivations and the strengths and weaknesses of each of the major players and how these affected what they did, how they did it, and how successful they were in achieving their goals. Although in general the international exercise in Kosovo can be seen as a success, the results have been uneven. Some public administration institutions perform well while others face ongoing challenges. The book argues that to a significant extent the current day performance of the Kosovo government can be traced to the steps taken, or sometimes not taken, by various international actors in the early years of the international intervention.