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Empire and law, ‘Firmly united by the circle of the British diadem’
Dana Y. Rabin

, Irish, Scottish, and French Catholics who would benefit from religious toleration; Britain's multinational and multiracial sailors at the Empire's front lines; and Irish Protestants fighting to retain their own law-making body in Dublin. During the latter half of the eighteenth century the movement for legal reform did attempt to accommodate internal outsiders by instituting changes that brought the

in Britain and its internal others, 1750–1800
John Curtice

law-making powers 18 19 16 17 18 21 18 21 17 26 29 Base 2,718 1,928 2,761 2,897 3,709 2,684 1,794 928 859 982 980 Source: British Social Attitudes (respondents living in England only) Note: In 2004–06 the second option read ‘that makes decisions about the region’s economy, planning and housing’. The 2003 survey carried both versions of

in These Englands
Martin Steven

have an effect in EU law-making. Free countries Euro-realism supposedly provides a realistic perspective on European integration – the European Union is a good thing, say ECR Euro-realists but it needs to do less, better (European Conservatives and Reformists 2018b ). It should pull back from always trying to advance to even more integration and instead respect the sovereignty of member states in Europe who want to cooperate, but not necessarily to always integrate. This is not, ECR politicians are at pains to point out

in The European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR)
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Legal pluralism in the world society
Gunther Teubner

founded on the paradox of contractual self-validation and differentiated into an official and a non-official legal order. Contrary to the claim of the defenders of a lex mercatoria , this has nothing to do with customary law, since even empirically speaking, it is not based on practices ennobled by opinio juris . 70 Like other forms of non-customary law, it is based on decisions of positive law-making

in Critical theory and legal autopoiesis
Arthur B. Gunlicks

activities by deputies, nor do they consider local office holding an excuse for the burdens of Land office.49 While even some deputies agree to some extent with some of these criticisms,50 they and others would also point to the importance of the parliament primarily as an instrument of control rather than of law making and the need to acquire expertise through legislative experience to exercise this control effectively. They would note the necessity of spending as much time in the district as possible in order to maintain close contacts with citizens, serve as ombudsmen

in The Länder and German federalism
The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council and the limits of imperial legal universalism
Bonny Ibhawoh

colonial legal knowledge and the political and intellectual influences that shaped it.8 Scholars of law and empire have challenged British claims to establishing a universal rule of law in the Empire, arguing instead that colonialism was fundamentally based on stressing the difference between the coloniser and the colonised, usually in terms of racial and ethnic identities.9 Maintaining colonial difference in the realms of law-​making and administration 117 118 118 Colonial exchanges of justice was essential to sustaining Empire. A truly uniform and consistent rule

in Colonial exchanges
Małgorzata Jakimów

sources of discrimination as stemming from their socio-economic position in China. By the act of ‘advocating’ I mean the attempts at intervention in the law-making process and the criticism of existing law and legal mechanisms. The final act of ‘claiming’ relates to migrant workers’ assertion of the rights which are not enshrined in the law, such as effective bodies for political representation of migrant workers – that is, self-elected workers’ representatives, the right to strike and the right to elect their union representatives. I conclude with a discussion of when

in China’s citizenship challenge
Matt Qvortrup

Gothaer Programm from 1875 – the Social Democrat Party’s (SPD’s) manifesto that was famously criticised by Karl Marx in his Critique of Gotha Programme (Marx 2000 ) – the party had demanded ‘direct law making by the people’, something Marx had dismissed as ‘nothing beyond the old democratic litany familiar to all’ (Marx 2000 : 611). This demand was repeated in the Erfurt Programme in 1891 in which the party demanded direct legislation through the people through the power of proposing and rejecting Bills. This commitment was shared by social democratic and

in Government by referendum
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Gary James

connected cities’ are the key to ‘fostering cohesion’, adds to the significance of studying city-­regions and their sporting developments.5 Prior to 1919 Manchester was the scene of a series of developments which 2 The emergence of footballing cultures saw football banned; a professional League established; an international lawmaking body created; an offshoot of rugby developed; the finest club stadium in England constructed and another major one in the planning stage; participants fighting for rights and establishing their union; scandal rocking the footballing

in The emergence of footballing cultures
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John Goff
Shivdeep Grewal

ontology as a network? Whereas, law-making and distinguishing boundaries were sufficient for the post World War II era, they are insufficient in the developing era of globality. This would imply that defining the EU in terms of ends – whether external or internal – and using the process of integration (via juridification) to do this may well not only be a forlorn enterprise but one without much conceptual validity. What then is left of the EU? Or for it to do? The crafting of means to negotiate globality? In particular, the

in Habermas and European integration