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Kevin O’Sullivan

This chapter draws the book's central themes together into an overview of how Ireland and the ‘fire brigade’ states adapted to the shifting sands of international relations in the Cold War. The principles of interdependence and interconnectedness are key. In place of a pragmatic battle of East versus West, this chapter emphasises the socialising effect of international relations and the link between national (individual) and international (collective) interests. Africa played a key role in that process. Ireland's history and its deep-rooted (if largely self-defined) post-colonial identity played shaped its attitudes to decolonisation and the creation of successful, independent African states. Its approach in the Congo, Biafra and elsewhere echoed a long-held conviction that the key to international stability – and by inference its own security – lay in the rejection of outside interference and the promotion of co-operation through the medium of international law. Its progressive stance on apartheid and foreign aid helped shape its identity as a member of the EC. And the rise of non-state actors (the anti-apartheid movement and humanitarian NGOs) linked Irish opinion to global debate on an unprecedented scale, precipitating a shift towards transnational action and away from the centrality of the state.

in Ireland, Africa and the end of empire
Open Access (free)
Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

attention paid to the link between international institutions and corporations has been scant. Prominent international regime scholars have repeatedly emphasised the role and influence of non-state actors in international environmental policy (Levy et al., 1995). Corporations are particularly important to the analysis of regime effectiveness since industry is a major cause of environmental problems and thus represents a crucial target group. International regimes as well as governments depend upon the cooperation of corporate actors, whether active or reluctant, when

in Climate change and the oil industry
Julie Gilson

for the full development of human security. In this context, it analyses the so-called ‘track-two’ approach and the role of other, non-state actors. The final section examines how these various debates unfold in Japan, which has an important role in the development of regional approaches to comprehensive security. The conclusion assesses the potential for the debate to

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
A. J. Coates

Coady, for example, are indifferent to the status of those who attack ­noncombatants. Rodin inserts a clause in his definition to make explicit the application of his definition to state as well as non-­state actors: ‘Terrorism is the deliberate, negligent, or reckless use of force against noncombatants, by state or non-­state actors, for ideological ends and in the absence of a substantively just legal process’ (Rodin 2004, p. 755). The clause, he adds, is, strictly speaking, ‘superfluous to the definition’ but is ‘inserted to make the universality of the definition

in The ethics of war
Thomas Dublin

aware of the divergence between her conceptual analysis and recent history. In democratic states, leaders are accountable for acts of aggression committed under their leadership, she argues; non-state actors are not accountable to any constituency. Is her argument justified in the light of the American and British invasion of Iraq in 2003? The concept of accountability that she invokes has proven a thin reed that has done and is doing very little to constrain the actions of the American presidency. Consider for a moment the various sorts of accountability that

in ‘War on terror’
Iris Müller

questions concerning the role of non-State actors in the formation of customary international humanitarian law (2). It ends with a few concluding remarks (3). 1 The International Committee of the Red Cross’s experience in the identification of customary international humanitarian law In 1993, the International Conference for the Protection of War Victims, held in Geneva, reaffirmed in its final declaration ‘the necessity to make the implementation of international humanitarian law more effective’ and called upon ‘the Swiss Government to convene an open

in International organisations, non-State actors, and the formation of customary international law
Peter H. Wilson

recognized practices which evolved to facilitate the procurement and exchange of a wide variety of war-making resources supplied not only by states but also by a host of non-state actors. This exchange of resources was sufficiently complex and extensive to warrant the term European Fiscal-Military System which is deliberately used here to extend, rather than replace, the existing term Fiscal-Military State by supplementing the study of war’s impact on domestic development with an examination of how it affected interaction with other states and non-state actors. Taking this

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Abstract only
Ronald Grigor Suny

state and non-state actors. Stéphanie Prévost relates how this humanitarian intervention that moved from providing relief to supporting emigration preceded the usually assumed origin date for such initiatives, that is the years of the First World War, and shows that the mid-1890s were the ‘starting point’ or ‘pivotal point’ for what has been called ‘humanitarian diplomacy’. From its inception international humanitarianism faced serious obstacles from those with isolationist and nationalist impulses, both on the right and the left, who preferred domestic relief to

in Aid to Armenia
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Michael J. Boyle

, culture governs the interpretation of terrorist violence in a far more powerful way than the politics or history of the state. In each of these cases, one or more factors mattered more than the others in shaping the country's perspective on terrorism and the suitable responses. What is clear is that the frame for terrorism and the responses to it are internally contested between stakeholders of different kinds, including governments, religious authorities, non-state actors and others. Yet this contestation is also not always symmetric. One of the key themes

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
When the talking stops
Carole Gomez

targeting foreign countries or domestic audiences, forcing the target country or its leaders to discontinue certain actions in the future or compel a government to change or reverse existing policies’.15 This analysis is supported by the work of Barry Burciul, who considers the effort to change the behaviour of an entity as having ‘a symbolic importance and psychological impact’.16 Thus, by deciding to boycott an actor in global affairs, a state or non-state actor refuses to deal with it, to support it or to endorse its policies until the object of the boycott changes the

in Sport and diplomacy