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Jonathan Atkin

described them to Lady Ottoline as ‘eight fleas talking of building a pyramid’ and later remembered, ‘I was interested to observe that the pacifist politicians were more concerned with the question of which of them should lead the anti-war movement than with the actual work against the war.’27 Russell was always distrustful of politics, especially during war. ‘I don’t want to be in Parliament; it seems to me one is freer outside, and can achieve more’, he wrote to Lady Ottoline in November 1914, concluding, ‘I should want … to be unfettered in saying what I believed.’ A

in A war of individuals
America, Europe, and the crises of the 1970s
Ariane Leendertz

the Democratic National Convention in Chicago in 1968, by rebelling students, by the anti-war movement, the environmental movement and the counter-culture, by rising criminality and drug consumption, by the war in Vietnam. These were followed by serious economic crises and by Watergate, which shook people’s faith in their political institutions. 65 The ‘crisis of confidence’ and the overall crisis discourse also coloured political analyses of transatlantic relations. In 1971, the diplomat Martin Hillenbrand wrote a memo for the Secretary of

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered
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Biography and history
Jane Martin

, lobbied, waited on Royal Commissions and finally were admitted to office’.39 Further to the left than those who tried to negotiate and manoeuvre from within parliament, she presented rather different views. Her preference was for direct action mounted by rank-and-file agitators and Marxist pedagogues. During the First World War, Mary was in close touch with the anti-war movement and threw herself into Russian émigré politics at the invitation of George Chicherin (b. 1872), a well-known figure in London socialist circles, responsible for the creation of the Russian

in Making socialists
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David J. Appleby and Andrew Hopper

history, but also its subject matter. The situation became acute in the late 1960s when a strong anti-war movement emerged within Western academia, and students protested against American military involvement in Vietnam. Since the millennium, the superpowers’ military interventions around the world and the attendant humanitarian disasters have revived such sentiments: academic military historians have been accused of lending respectability to industrial military complexes, and nurturing the public’s morbid fascination with organised violence.16 However, Ludmilla

in Battle-scarred
Richard Cleminson

1 The ‘paradox’ of anarchism and eugenics Introduction In 1933, the anarcho-pacifist Romanian intellectual Eugen Relgis explored the conundrum of humanitarianism as applied to eugenics in the Valenciabased anarchist cultural review Estudios.1 Could there be, the author asked, a community of interests or any compatibility between the philosophical and ethical concept of humanitarianism and the new science of eugenics? Relgis, active in the anti-war movement and a supporter of the Spanish Republic, certainly thought so. Nevertheless, his attempt to articulate a

in Anarchism and eugenics
Andrea Mariuzzo

victory at Stalingrad, the author  171 Italy’s role in the world had described the battle as a warning to present-​day ‘fomentatori della guerra’ (warmongers), identifying the military action that had defeated Nazism as the greatest triumph of peace-​making.141 The seemingly paradoxical linkage between military force and commitment to peace had deep roots in the symbolic references of the anti-​war movement of the Left. The choice of ‘Partisans for Peace’ as the name for the great international anti-​war movement was in itself pregnant with meaning, as it made a

in Communism and anti-Communism in early Cold War Italy
People, parties and pressure groups
Janet Clark

, on occasions, events for honoured guests. A conference held to frame a response to fascist anti-semitism towards the end of 1936 was attended by more than 300 invited delegates from widely varied national and local organisations, including Labour Party branches, the Fabian Society, the London Liberal Federation, the National Peace Council, the NUWM, the Teachers’ Anti-War Movement and Communist Party headquarters.9 It promoted its work and its campaigns through newsletters, pamphlets and its journal, Civil Liberty. The membership of the NCCL was diverse and

in The National Council for Civil Liberties and the policing of interwar politics
Ferdinand Domela Nieuwenhuis, anti-militarism and the pportunities of the First World War
Bert Altena

Vrije Socialist shows a clear increase in the frequency of his references to Tolstoy. Over the years the anti-war movement grew, comprising about 400 objectors by 1919.55 From the second half of 1916 onwards, however, Domela Nieuwenhuis’s health started to deteriorate and he had to withdraw gradually from the public scene. In private, he had to acknowledge that his age (by then he was almost 70) and his physical decline were presenting serious problems. His writing arm increasingly refused to do its job. To a cousin he confided that he was not afraid to die, but that

in Anarchism, 1914–18
Fiona Simpkins

trade-union movement and other socialist bodies (such as the Social Democratic Federation and the Fabian Society) in 1900 when the Labour Representation Committee was formed. It The conflicting loyalties of the Scottish Labour Party was finally rebranded as the Labour Party six years later and was able to draw much of its support in Scotland through the period of mass industrial unrest referred to as Red Clydeside, the anti-war movement and the Glasgow rent strikes which contributed to the development of the labour movement and the radicalisation of the Scottish

in Labour united and divided from the 1830s to the present
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Julian Mitchell’s Another Country
Jonathan Bolton

—a contemporary of Burgess's at Cambridge and an energetic leader of the Communist Club there—another likely part of the composite. Judd also “sneers” during the school's dedication ceremony for old boys lost in the Great War and early drafts of the play have him wearing an anti-war movement badge—a kind of forerunner perhaps of the CND peace sign. 24 Although the outline of Judd's life and his commitment to politics is drawn from Cornford and Guest (the postscript to the film version has

in The Blunt Affair