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The racecourse and racecourse life
Mike Huggins

, which paid dividends of up to 10 per cent, although free admission seems to have been as great an attraction. In the nineteenth century, when most courses were unenclosed, upper- and middle-class groups had provided subscriptions to the race meetings. By the interwar period this practice had died out on flat courses, which were almost all enclosed and reliant on entrance money through the turnstiles. The traditional pattern continued, however, in the smaller National Hunt courses, where elite patronage allowed status positioning within the county community. Race

in Horseracing and the British 1919–39
Peter Murray and Maria Feeney

such as the Pilot Area Development Programme (Scully 1968) recently launched to tackle the chronic problems facing small farmers in western counties. Community development was, therefore, ‘being increasingly accepted in Ireland as a most useful instrument not only by some rural organisations but by the Government itself and by some of the service agencies (notably Bord Failte and the Agricultural Advisory Services)’ and ‘it would be tragic if this commitment were not supported by the most effective possible organisation to link the voluntary and public bodies’. The

in Church, state and social science in Ireland
The rise and fall of a gentry family
Simon Walker

origin of this interest; J. S. Roskell, Parliament and Politics in Late Medieval England , vols. ii–iii (London, 1981) collects some pioneering case studies. For current thinking, P. R. Coss, The Langley Family and its Cartulary: a study in late medieval ‘gentry’ (Dugdale Soc., Occasional Papers, xxii, 1974); A. J. Pollard, ‘The Richmondshire community of gentry during the Wars of the Roses’, Patronage, Pedigree and Power in Later Medieval England , ed. C. Ross (Gloucester, 1979), pp. 37–59; M. J. Bennett, ‘A county community: social cohesion among the Cheshire

in Political culture in later medieval England
Simon Walker

’ as both the Commons and his own Council urged him to employ, while avoiding the charge of excessive interference in the affairs of the county community preferred against Richard II. The relationship between William Gascoigne and the new king soon developed beyond the purely official; he became one of Henry’s most trusted advisers, summoned to his presence in July 1401 ‘pur chivacher en nostre compaignie pur certaines treschargeantes matires touchante lestat de nous et de nostre roiaume’ and singled out by the Council in 1405 as one of those in whom the king put

in Political culture in later medieval England
Abstract only
William Butler

place in the county community, regarded a few years’ service in their local Militia regiment as a necessary rite MAD0316 - BUTLER 9780719099380 PRINT.indd 55 21/09/2016 10:24 56 The Irish amateur military tradition of passage’. He goes on to say that by the second half of the nineteenth century they had become fewer in number.24 In a biography of Charles Stewart Parnell, sometime leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, it is stated that he joined the Wicklow Rifles ‘as befitted a Wicklow landowner’.25 It is even remarked that he was proud of this fact, and hated

in The Irish amateur military tradition in the British Army, 1854–1992
Rachel Foxley

; S. Roberts, ‘Local government reform in England and Wales during the Interregnum’, in I. Roots (ed.) Into Another Mould: Aspects of the Interregnum (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1998), p. 51. 86 For revisionist work on ‘localism’, see J. S. Morrill, The Revolt of the Provinces: Conservatives and Radicals in the English Civil War, 1630–1650 (London: Allen & Unwin, 1980); for early counter-arguments stressing the national political horizons at least of gentry prior to the war, see C. Holmes, ‘The county community in Stuart historiography’, Journal of British

in The Levellers
Patriarcha versus Thomas scott’s country patriotism
Cesare Cuttica

. In particular, scott thought that being a member of one of the most ancient families in Kent gave him the right to have a say in the county community.48 These genealogical surveys proved that his family derived from the scots north of the Border. As such he claimed that his countrymen had courageously resisted the romans and, subsequently, the Norman Yoke. By focusing on genealogy, scott also recalled the doctrinal lineage that connected him to the marked anti-catholicism of many elizabethan Protestants. similarly, when addressing historical matters or referring to

in Sir Robert Filmer (1588-1653) and the patriotic monarch
Abstract only
Geoff Baker

Toleration: The Glorious Revolution and Religion in England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), pp. 129–70. 44 Hibbard, ‘Early Stuart Catholicism’, p. 3. 45 A. Fletcher, A County Community in Peace and War: Sussex 1600–1660 (London: Longman, 1975), pp. 97–8. 24 Introduction 46 J. Albers, ‘Seeds of Contention: Society, Politics and the Church of England in Lancashire, 1689–1790’ (DPhil thesis, Yale University, 1988), p. 496. 47 Hibbard, ‘Early Stuart Catholicism’, p. 4. 48 See, for example: J. Callow, ‘The last of the Shireburnes: the art of death and life in recusant

in Reading and politics in early modern England
Richard Cust and Peter Lake

recognised that within the fast-developing politics of the public sphere the widest possible mobilisation of support could be considered not only legitimate but highly advantageous.17 Aston’s main tactic for gaining mass support in the shire was to play down the content of what he knew would be a controversial petition and instead present it as a measure to re-establish the gentry’s role as spokesmen for the county. In doing this he was able to draw on the social and cultural make-up of the shire in which notions of a semi-autonomous county community and gentry class

in Gentry culture and the politics of religion
Chris Given-Wilson

to curry favour with the people of these counties, he ordered these letters obligatory – or rather submissory – to be returned to them. This did not mean, however, that he had released them from their obligations to him, for instead he forced their representatives, to whom the county communities had granted full power for this purpose, to bind themselves and their heirs to him

in Chronicles of the Revolution, 1397–1400