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Simon Walker

’ as both the Commons and his own Council urged him to employ, while avoiding the charge of excessive interference in the affairs of the county community preferred against Richard II. The relationship between William Gascoigne and the new king soon developed beyond the purely official; he became one of Henry’s most trusted advisers, summoned to his presence in July 1401 ‘pur chivacher en nostre compaignie pur certaines treschargeantes matires touchante lestat de nous et de nostre roiaume’ and singled out by the Council in 1405 as one of those in whom the king put

in Political culture in later medieval England
Abstract only
William Butler

place in the county community, regarded a few years’ service in their local Militia regiment as a necessary rite MAD0316 - BUTLER 9780719099380 PRINT.indd 55 21/09/2016 10:24 56 The Irish amateur military tradition of passage’. He goes on to say that by the second half of the nineteenth century they had become fewer in number.24 In a biography of Charles Stewart Parnell, sometime leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, it is stated that he joined the Wicklow Rifles ‘as befitted a Wicklow landowner’.25 It is even remarked that he was proud of this fact, and hated

in The Irish amateur military tradition in the British Army, 1854–1992
Rachel Foxley

; S. Roberts, ‘Local government reform in England and Wales during the Interregnum’, in I. Roots (ed.) Into Another Mould: Aspects of the Interregnum (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1998), p. 51. 86 For revisionist work on ‘localism’, see J. S. Morrill, The Revolt of the Provinces: Conservatives and Radicals in the English Civil War, 1630–1650 (London: Allen & Unwin, 1980); for early counter-arguments stressing the national political horizons at least of gentry prior to the war, see C. Holmes, ‘The county community in Stuart historiography’, Journal of British

in The Levellers
Patriarcha versus Thomas scott’s country patriotism
Cesare Cuttica

. In particular, scott thought that being a member of one of the most ancient families in Kent gave him the right to have a say in the county community.48 These genealogical surveys proved that his family derived from the scots north of the Border. As such he claimed that his countrymen had courageously resisted the romans and, subsequently, the Norman Yoke. By focusing on genealogy, scott also recalled the doctrinal lineage that connected him to the marked anti-catholicism of many elizabethan Protestants. similarly, when addressing historical matters or referring to

in Sir Robert Filmer (1588-1653) and the patriotic monarch
Abstract only
Geoff Baker

Toleration: The Glorious Revolution and Religion in England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), pp. 129–70. 44 Hibbard, ‘Early Stuart Catholicism’, p. 3. 45 A. Fletcher, A County Community in Peace and War: Sussex 1600–1660 (London: Longman, 1975), pp. 97–8. 24 Introduction 46 J. Albers, ‘Seeds of Contention: Society, Politics and the Church of England in Lancashire, 1689–1790’ (DPhil thesis, Yale University, 1988), p. 496. 47 Hibbard, ‘Early Stuart Catholicism’, p. 4. 48 See, for example: J. Callow, ‘The last of the Shireburnes: the art of death and life in recusant

in Reading and politics in early modern England
Richard Cust and Peter Lake

recognised that within the fast-developing politics of the public sphere the widest possible mobilisation of support could be considered not only legitimate but highly advantageous.17 Aston’s main tactic for gaining mass support in the shire was to play down the content of what he knew would be a controversial petition and instead present it as a measure to re-establish the gentry’s role as spokesmen for the county. In doing this he was able to draw on the social and cultural make-up of the shire in which notions of a semi-autonomous county community and gentry class

in Gentry culture and the politics of religion
Chris Given-Wilson

to curry favour with the people of these counties, he ordered these letters obligatory – or rather submissory – to be returned to them. This did not mean, however, that he had released them from their obligations to him, for instead he forced their representatives, to whom the county communities had granted full power for this purpose, to bind themselves and their heirs to him

in Chronicles of the Revolution, 1397–1400
Maldon and the crisis of 1629
John Walter

. When the justices found their efforts to regulate the clothiers thwarted by the assize judges, they in their turn informed them of the weavers’ discontent, reminded them of the earlier disorder, cited the government’s instructions to prevent any repetition of riot, and ended with the veiled threat that ‘if some what bee not presently done wee shall not bee able to keepe these poore people in quiett’.115 The memory of 1629 became part of the currency of political discourse within the county community. When, by the spring of 1631, the renewed crisis was at its peak, the

in Crowds and popular politics in early modern England
Anthony Musson

(eds), The English Rising of 1381 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1981), pp. 182–3. 51 For instance, eyres proclaimed in Kent and Durham in 1333: Crook, ‘Later eyres’, p. 265; F. Bryant, ‘The financial dealings of Edward III with the county communities’, EHR , 83 (1968), pp. 763

in Medieval law in context