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been higher than in Christendom, and to further support this contention he gave examples of unjust treatment of women in Europe, from the early Church fathers who portrayed them as evil temptresses to the daily reports of brutalities inflicted on them by ‘professed Christians’. 85 In England, Amir Ali was considered an authority on Islam and was read by both scholars and
. ‘Elgar’, as Harper-Scott observes, ‘was almost alone amongst early modernist composers in insisting on a return to a work’s opening tonic regardless of the cost .’ 97 Throughout the first symphony Elgar demonstrates his ability to employ signature techniques of modernism with a dexterity equal to that of the most advanced composers of his time. But he parts company with them by siding with orthodoxy at
half the nations of Europe’. 33 Reports such as this appeared not only in Britain but also in the vast body of print which circulated around the British Empire. It is important to remember that print culture was in no way geographically bounded at this time: no sooner were printing presses in the colonies of settlement operating than a proliferation of newspapers were publishing extensive extracts from
This book is about the ‘colonisation of consciousness’. This phrase was coined by the Comaroffs to describe the effects of missionary endeavour among the Tswana people in southern Africa, 1 but it is equally applicable to the domestic populations of the imperial powers, both actual and aspirant, in Europe. The European scramble for colonies in the nineteenth and early twentieth
for the Study of Race Improvement (KSSRI), whose inaugural meeting had been held earlier that evening in one of Nairobi’s most popular meeting places for Europeans, the New Stanley Hotel. 2 The progression over the course of an evening from eugenic committee to grand social gathering reflects how comfortably the eugenics movement fitted with the attitudes of the colony’s social and administrative elite. This
established at the beginning of the twentieth century in the European heart of the city. In terms of general size and building techniques, both are based on prefabricated iron. Kermel and Sandaga evoke the great covered markets and similar structures erected in France and other European countries in the late nineteenth century. Yet, in matters of style, each constitutes a unique and outstanding monument in Dakar as
‘othering’, both in respect of rival European nations and in relation to peoples of other races. 7 The fact is that imperial events slotted into an exciting adventure and militarist tradition which translated readily into other media, not just the stage and the press, but also popular literature, painting, prints, statuary, memorials and music. 8 As the nineteenth century wore on, this propensity to depict the world as essentially
modernism, the building of the independent states and the rise of local professionals of planning’, Proceedings of the European Association of Urban History , 12th Conference, Lyon, 2008 . The situation, however, has recently been changing in Dakar, with an investment directly in building by Senegalese expatriates. 12
narrative of English imperial history? Anthony D. Smith suggests modern preoccupation with the ‘island story’ phrase denotes ambivalence regarding the ever-increasing likelihood of European political integration. 74 There is certainly some merit to the argument that in times of perceived identity crisis, history is mobilised to reinforce English insularity. Turn of the twentieth
. The garden city idea and the success of the garden suburb in Europe Howard’s revolutionary essay sought solutions for the complex problems facing the cities and towns of Europe in the wake of the Industrial Revolution, above all, the difficulties caused by overpopulation and lack of proper planning. To this end he proposed the establishment of new towns
