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Abstract only
William Butler

overlooked. This does not mean that amateur soldiery in Ireland within a formal military framework has been entirely neglected, especially for earlier periods in Irish MAD0316 - BUTLER 9780719099380 PRINT.indd 1 21/09/2016 10:24 2 The Irish amateur military tradition ­­ history, and it is important to outline exactly which forces are under consideration here. The idea of non-professional soldiery was one that emerged during the early seventeenth century, when, as David Miller has argued, the Old English aristocracy and the Gaelic Irish leaders, attempting to be

in The Irish amateur military tradition in the British Army, 1854–1992
David Finnegan

. Between 1542–48 this ‘constitutional revolution’ stabilised Ireland and had it reached maturity, may well have accomplished a gradual reduction of Gaelic Ireland to English ways at minimal cost. However, a more aggressive government-sponsored military policy – advocated by influential servitors in the face of perceived native backsliding on reform – saw the Gaelic lords swiftly abandon their commitment to reform and seek foreign support. This tendency resurfaced whenever local powerbrokers felt their interests threatened by the state and this disjunction eventually

in Irish Catholic identities
Colin Breen

in an Ulster plantation village”, in P. Duffy, D. Edwards and E. Fitzpatrick (eds), Gaelic Ireland 1250–1650: Land, Lordship, and Settlement, (Dublin, 2001), pp. 199–215. 10 A. Horning, ‘Archaeological explorations of cultural identity and rural economy in the north of Ireland: Goodland, County Antrim’, International Journal of Historical Archaeology, 8:3 (2004), 199–215. 11 J. M. Sidebottom, ‘A settlement in Goodland townland, Co. Antrim’. Ulster Journal of Archaeology, 13 (1950), 44–53; H. J. Case, ‘Settlement patterns in the north Irish neolithic

in The plantation of Ulster
Abstract only
The wild Irish boy and the national tale
Christina Morin

). Correspondingly, as Joep Leerssen contends, ‘[d]espite its Morgan-derived title, the book is not at all “Wild Irish”’. Instead, with a majority of the action located within the hero’s upper-class social milieu, Leerssen maintains, ‘the only shadow of Gaelic Ireland is vested in . . . minor characters’ who remain marginal in and marginalised by the text. 3 Similarly, Jacqueline

in Charles Robert Maturin and the haunting of Irish Romantic fiction
Tamsin Badcoe

-minded story of history’. 34 For Spenser’s Faerie Queene , which falls somewhere between the neat binary of ‘single-minded’ epic and subversive romance, the resulting hybrid forms are heir to the island-logic of both poets and propagandists. And indeed, as Andrews writes, ‘unlike Shakespeare’s Illyria, Gaelic Ireland was no place for feeding one’s knowledge of the town’, where the allusion to the setting of Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night recalls the audience’s first glimpse of a safe harbour for the play’s storm-tossed protagonists. 35 As a locus of both conflict and

in Edmund Spenser and the romance of space
Hume, Bacon, Britain and Britishness
Christopher Ivic

themselves and their posterities’. 130 The reference points here are to the New English (‘English of birth’), the Old English (‘English of blood’), Ulster-based English and Scots (‘the new British colony’) and the Gaelic Irish (‘the old Irish natives’). This is a remarkable instance of an ethnic or racial classification of Ireland’s native and non-native inhabitants, for it is grounded in notions of blood and birthplace as well as a coming together of distinct national identities – English and Scottish, not Irish. ‘Ireland’, writes Linda Colley (although in reference to

in The subject of Britain, 1603–25
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The Dindshenchas Érenn and a national poetics of space
Amy C. Mulligan

deibide ) covering the southern half of Ireland. Though they write almost 200 years after the English invasion of Ireland, both poets completely erase all evidence of English presence, colonial conquest and the dispossession of Gaelic Irish families from ancestral lands—their verbalized topographies depict Irish families in control of territories that were by then the possessions of English lordships. As James Carney wrote in introducing the poems, this might be expected, ‘For these poets were above

in A landscape of words
Brian Mac Cuarta

both the Old English and Gaelic Irish communities, and relying on close cooperation between clergy and gentry. These aspirations co-existed with a more narrowly focused Ulster Irish agenda, based on the imminent return of Hugh O’Neill with a force from the Continent, a prospect rendered plausible by the brief break in negotiations for a royal match between London and Madrid in 1613. 28 This scenario, couched in apocalyptic terms, drew on prophecy and expressed the revanchist desires of the Ulster Irish. 29 The clerical interest in O’Neill derived from his close

in The plantation of Ulster
Tales of origins in medieval and early modern France and England
Dominique Goy- Blanquet

ascendancy to support his argument for the suppression of Gaelic Irish and reform of degenerated Old English settlers. Edmund Spenser, A View of the Present State of Ireland , ed. William Lindsay Renwick (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), esp. pp. 48–68. 65 Eugene M. Waith attributes those lines to

in Interweaving myths in Shakespeare and his contemporaries
Raymond Gillespie

Stouthamer-Loeber, ‘Books owned by members of Old English and Gaelic Irish families in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries’, in Michael Potterton and Thomas Herron (eds), Dublin and the Pale in the Renaissance, c.1540–1640 (Dublin, 2011), pp. 286–8. 36 Raymond Gillespie, ‘The social thought of Richard Bellings’, in Micheál Ó Siochrú (ed.), Kingdoms in crisis: Ireland in the 1640s (Dublin, 2001), pp. 212–28. See also Coolahan’s chapter in this volume. GRIBBEN 9781526113245 PRINT.indd 47 20/04/2017 15:33 48 Raymond Gillespie fitfully.37 The response to older works

in Dublin