not complied with in respect of a declaration entered into between
it and Cameroon, and that the declaration was invalid. 28 Nigeria further
argued that Cameroon knew, or ought to have known, that the Head of
State of Nigeria had no power legally to bind Nigeria without
consulting the Nigerian Government. 29 The InternationalCourtofJustice (ICJ)
rejected these arguments on the basis that the signatures
Relying on both InternationalCourtofJustice jurisprudence 41 and dictionaries,
several investment tribunals have described arbitrary measures or
means as ‘derived from mere opinion’,
‘despotic’, ‘founded on prejudice or preference
rather than on reason or fact’ 42 ‘fixed or done
provide protection and security of foreign nationals found in the
customary international law of aliens, which was limited to
requiring due diligence to be exercised by the State. 44 The thinking in
Noble Ventures and the InternationalCourtofJustice
decision in the ELSI case 45 generally reflect the position of foreign
investment treaties. Some of the treaties have emphasised that what
important parts of the package were the creation of an Economic and
Social Council and an InternationalCourtofJustice.
With most of the issues ironed out, Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin decided
to invite the other allied powers to San Francisco, where the final Charter would
In the fall of 1944, Hull’s health took a turn for the worse and he was bedridden. Told by his doctors that he was unlikely to recover, on 30 November 1944,
Hull resigned and Stettinius took his place. According to one State Department
insider, Joe Johnston, ‘Ed Stettinius made up his
Failed states, failed empires and
the new paternalism
In 2014 the people of Crimea voted to secede from Ukraine and
join with Russia. For a vote held in haste and in a territory that
had already been occupied by Russian special forces in any case,
the Crimean secessionists demonstrated remarkable care in
seeking to ground their efforts in international law: they cited as
precedent the ruling of the InternationalCourtofJustice when
it found that the secession of Kosovo from Serbia in 2008 did
not breach international law. The 2008 Russian
be considered a prerequisite to the Republic of Cyprus’s accession to the EU. It was adamant that, henceforth, all Greek–Turkish territorial disputes be referred to the InternationalCourtofJustice at The Hague. Finally, it demanded that Turkey meet the same accession conditions as the other eleven EU candidates. In this context, Greece pointed to the need for a serious discussion of the human rights situation in Turkey, noting that, in order to qualify for EU membership, it, Turkey, will have to modify over 20,000 Turkish laws and regulations in line with the EU
narrative in RIA-Novosti’s narrative text, the societal narrative of
genocide is well known, and Kavkazcenter is not alone in applying it to
Russian aggression in Chechnya. In August 2000, a press release from the
Chechen Foreign Ministry stated that, ‘The Chechen Republic of
Ichkeria has instituted legal proceedings against the Russian Federation
before the InternationalCourtofJustice in The Hague . . . for violating
has been inoperative since 1994); and the
InternationalCourtofJustice. But the heart of the discussion on peacekeeping
operations takes place in the Security Council, the General Assembly and
Secretariat. This is not meant to suggest that ECOSOC and the InternationalCourtofJustice do not do important work, but rather that their work is not in the sphere
under discussion here – i.e. the concept and execution of peacekeeping operations.
The main organ in charge of the maintenance of international peace and security is the Security Council.24 The Security Council
The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand,
and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that
violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state)
health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence
against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human
rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence
against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of
the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the
horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’
dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional
and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept
of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence
against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on
the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised
in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an
innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due
diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment).
The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the
ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).
of the Security Council and the InternationalCourtofJustice’ in H. Fox (ed.), The Changing Constitution of the United Nations (British Institute of International and Comparative Law 1997) 79– 80.
121 UN Doc S/RES/1267 (1999) op. paras 4, 7, 14.
122 UN Doc S/RES/1333 (2000) op. para. 8(c). Emphasis in original.
123 UN Doc S/RES/1989 (2011).
124 UN Doc S/RES/1988 (2011).
125 UN Doc S/RES/2160 (2014) op. para. 13.
126 D. Hovell, ‘The Deliberative Deficit: Transparency, Access to Information and UN Sanctions’ in Farrell and Rubenstein (eds