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Perspectives from Jammu and Kashmir, Cyprus and Bosnia-Herzegovin
Elena B. Stavrevska, Sumona DasGupta, Birte Vogel, and Navnita Chadha Behera

4 Agency, autonomy and compliance in (post-)conflict situations: perspectives from Jammu and Kashmir, Cyprus and Bosnia-Herzegovina Elena B. Stavrevska, Sumona DasGupta, Birte Vogel and Navnita Chadha Behera Introduction The nature of conflict has changed dramatically in the twenty-first century with non-conventional wars, terrorist attacks and civil strife assuming centre stage. State forces are pitted not just against each other but against non-state actors. Terrorists often target civil society as well as symbols of the state, while the Westphalian nation

in Cultures of governance and peace
Abstract only
The EU and the governance of European security
Emil Kirchner and James Sperling

the ability to control it; post-Westphalian states face the traditional concern with territorial integrity compounded by an inability to protect borders and a rising preoccupation with the threats posed to societies by transnational, non-state actors. Post-Westphalian states are incapable, owing to internal norms and substantive policy concerns, to act as effective gate-keepers between internal and external

in EU security governance
The case of the Provisional Irish Republican Army
Carolin Görzig

something by other (groups of) actors … diverse actors are involved in such dynamics’ (Clement et al. in this volume, p. 10). The empirical case that will be examined in this chapter problematises several external and internal sources of recognition-granting and -seeking. In order to clarify these sources, different levels of analysis are helpful. Analyses of armed non-state actors frequently neglect them in much the same way that states are often ‘black boxed’. Several authors have called for looking inside this black box. Differentiating between leaders and followers

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Christopher Ansell and Jacob Torfing

denationalization of statehood, the de-stratification of politics, and the internationalization of policy-making (Jessop 2002 )—tends to enhance the dependence of national governments on a plethora of state and non-state actors when it comes to defining the national interest, developing foreign policy strategies, and executing these in an anarchic, yet increasingly regulated, world. The securitization of a growing number of policy areas, such as climate change, trade agreements, and disease control, further contributes to the decentering and pluralization of foreign policy

in Foreign policy as public policy?
Susanne Martin and Leonard Weinberg

counterterrorism and counterinsurgency policies, and especially the evolution of these policies in the twenty-first century, helps to bring the discussion of terrorism and insurgency together. The present chapter concludes with an overview of the varying patterns and uses of terrorism in the context of war. The analysis that follows serves several purposes. The primary objective is to offer insights into the conduct of current and future wars. Many of the wars of the present century involve armed non-state actors engaging in warfare against states and each other and using

in The role of terrorism in twenty-first-century warfare
Extremism and the ‘politics of mutual envy’ in Nigeria?
Akinyemi Oyawale

within the UK and how it has been adopted in Nigeria as a ‘soft’ makeover on its previously ‘hard’ approach to countering Boko Haram. Third, the chapter addresses extremism through an entangled reading of British and Nigerian countering-violence and violent-extremism projects, thus showing how governments attempt to delegitimise the Other to further the goals of the self. Fourth, the chapter addresses the reciprocal envy by non-state actors in their bid to challenge the authority and legitimacy of states through examining local discourses on Boko Haram. Ultimately

in Encountering extremism
Abstract only
Once upon a time …
Alexander Spencer

in particular on culturally embedded romantic stories. The book focuses on the three non-state actors of pirates, rebels and PMSCs in Germany, the UK and the US, as these are among the most important non-state actors which show elements of (attempted) romanticization in these countries. While the focus on Germany, the UK and the US is down to the cultural and linguistic embeddedness of the author in these countries, which greatly aids the process of analysing cultural, media and political narratives, the combination of the state and the non-state actor (Germany and

in Romantic narratives in international politics
Open Access (free)
Geir Hønneland and Anne-Kristin Jørgensen

shaping these outcomes. This by no means implies that interests and power are considered insignificant in international relations. However, within the complex interdependence model, the role of non-state actors is drawn into the calculus, the concept of national interest is questioned, and the relevance of power is seen as highly dependent on the actual issue area. Specifically, many researchers have argued that the realist perspective may be most relevant where analyses of high politics – in particular security issues – are concerned, while more complex approaches may

in Implementing international environmental agreements in Russia
Michael Loadenthal

analytical. Typically the volumes are nearly entirely the words of the non-state actor with a brief introductory frame written by an editor. While some are careful to discuss the texts in relation to actual events (e.g. Moncourt and Smith 2009a; 2009b; BurtonRose 2010), the texts themselves are rarely the focus. In none of the volumes surveyed is the political critique of the non-state actor held up as legitimate theory to be evaluated. Instead, it is often showcased in an exotic manner, 8 THE POLITICS OF ATTACK or in the case of Laqueur’s edited volume, displayed as

in The politics of attack
Jeremy Pressman

Liberation Organization (PLO), which was then headquartered in Lebanon, but the invasion of another country all the way to its capital (Beirut) and the desire to engineer the establishment of a friendly Lebanese government that would formally ally with Israel were goals beyond the defensive realm. 15 Sword.indb 15 25/03/2020 15:11:00 The sword is not enough Neither Egypt in 1967 nor Israel in 1982 was content with the status quo. The Palestinian national movement, like any national liberation movement, is challenging in this light as well. It is a non-state actor, not

in The sword is not enough