Search results

Abstract only
Nigel D. White

still a radical one given the domination of international relations by states. This explains why the UN Charter was silent on the matter of international legal personality (although it granted the UN legal capacity in national legal orders). However, by 1949 the matter was settled in favour of the UN possessing international legal personality, with the concomitant right to bring claims against states, following the International Court’s advisory opinion in the Reparations case. Chapter 5: The doctrine of powers: the key to governance The possession of

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
Jean d’Aspremont

that the liberal potential of the 1949 Advisory Opinion on Reparations remained unexploited by international lawyers for several decades. In fact, it is not until the 1990s that international lawyers came to make use of the space created by the severance between lawmaking and subject-hood in international legal thought. In this respect, it is no coincidence that it is only in the 1990s that the very notion of non-State actors grew to become central in the discourses of international lawyers. It is submitted here that the emergence of the concept of non-State actors

in International organisations, non-State actors, and the formation of customary international law
Abstract only
Philip M. Taylor

centralization enabled kings to raise armies on a more regular basis, permanent professional armies whose pay and recruitment were organized througkh indentures. A distinction was now being made between ‘private war’, waged between individuals with as little damage as possible to the general community, and ‘public war’ in which prisoners could be taken and held for ransom, enemy property seized as booty, and reparations exacted from the local population. The emerging nation-states of western Europe began to utilize more effectively a peasantry that could be brought to the

in Munitions of the Mind
Abstract only
Helen M. Davies

.19 Later, bondholders attempted to gain compensation for losses in the value of bonds. This action too finally was considered to be unsound.20 Some actions related to the legality of the agreement the Pereires reached with Germiny which saw them pay reparations in exchange for (an illusory) immunity. Again, this case did not succeed ultimately and the agreement was found to be legally sound.21 The newly constituted Crédit Mobilier attempted in 1871, through its new president, Haussmann, to recover losses through applying mortgages to Pereire properties, a move

in Emile and Isaac Pereire
Abstract only
Caoimhe Nic Dháibhéid and Colin W. Reid

“English” to “British” history would be to make sure that the student read as much of Irish as he [sic] did of English historiography.’ This was not intended as reparations for historical guilt on behalf of the English historian, but simply to recognise that ‘things happen in different places at the same time’.21 After a slow start, we have taken significant historiographical strides in this direction. Of course, contemporaries at times looked in the wrong places for revolutionary moments. One of the most intriguing studies of nineteenth-century Ireland was written by

in The Cato Street Conspiracy
Abstract only
Alison Phipps

’ – a complete collectivisation of biological and social reproduction.7 We would be concerned with sustaining human and planetary life, not with producing and reproducing workers to maintain dysfunctional economies. If the state continued to exist, its function would be to (re)distribute resources and provide support, not to punish or to wage war. There would not be private property, although lands would have been returned and reparations (of various kinds) made to groups that had been dispossessed and exploited. There would be no national borders. There would be no

in Me, not you
Abstract only
Judith Renner

hearings in which South Africans could tell their stories and experiences from the past to the wider public. The TRC granted amnesty to individuals who had committed human rights violations and gave full disclosure of their crimes, it provided empathy and consolidation to those who had suffered from such violations and it made recommendations for reparations in order to acknowledge the victims and improve their material

in Discourse, normative change and the quest for reconciliation in global politics
Abstract only
Michael Cunningham

Press, 2005). 2 N. Tavuchis, Mea Culpa: A Sociology of Apology and Reconciliation (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1991). 3 Nobles, The Politics of Official Apologies, p. 4; Celermajer, The Sins of the Nation, p. 2; J.-M. Coicaud, ‘Apology: a small yet important part of justice’, Japanese Journal of Political Science, 10:1 (2009), 93–124, p. 96; A. Lazare, On Apology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 251; R. L. Brooks, ‘The Age of Apology’, 3–11 in R. L. Brooks (ed.), When Sorry Isn’t Enough: The Controversy over Apologies and Reparations for Human

in States of apology
Abstract only
Naomi Roux

sacrifices and struggles of the past, acknowledging previously suppressed or erased histories, and establishing new mythologies and genealogies of the nation. These new spaces of memory served a number of purposes: ‘symbolic reparations’, spaces of acknowledgement and loci for grief, and the establishing of new iconographies and emblems for the reconciliatory ‘rainbow nation’ that dominated discourse about national identity under the Mandela presidency. During this period, a correspondingly large body of critique emerged interrogating these new nationalisms, ideas of

in Remaking the urban
Open Access (free)
Liberation, remembering and forgetting
James E. Connolly

, Q 3314. Reconstruction took many years, overseen by the Ministry for Liberated Regions and local authorities, financed by reparations, central government, local initiatives and bolstered by international aid such as British adoptions of French towns.33 Some aspects of reconstruction lasted until the 1930s, such as the reconstruction of Cambrai, completed in 1932.34 Yet, overall, the effort was impressively rapid, with industrial and agricultural production approaching, reaching, and in some areas overtaking, pre-​war levels by the mid to late 1920s.35 By this

in The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914– 18